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METTERNICH 




PRINCE METTERNICH 

FROM THE PAINTING BY SIR THOMAS LAWRENCE 



METTERNIGH 



DJ fc. BY , 

g! Af c' sandeman 

11 



WITH TEN ILLUSTRATIONS 



NEW YORK 

BRENTANO'S 

1911 






9» S&ThkQS hOm 

"^5 " 

MAY 1 1958 



PREFACE 

THE writer of a short biography of Metternich must 
inevitably fall between two stools. As in the case 
of most statesmen, whose triumphs have been diplo- 
matic rather than parliamentary, and whose activities 
have been exerted in the sphere of foreign rather than 
domestic affairs, the real interest of his career to the 
student of history is diplomatic. Yet the period 
covered by his life is so important and so long, that 
volumes would be required adequately to observe how 
Metternich directed Austrian policy in the various 
phases and crises of European politics. An attempt 
to achieve this end in a short biography would result 
in a dry ^nd congested bundle of facts, the compiler 
of which would be dubbed by the general reader an 
intolerable bore. On the other hand, a book like the 
present, which, without pretending to produce any 
new facts or to expound any original theories, seeks 
in a comparatively brief space to give a trustworthy 
outline of Metternich's life from the domestic as well 
as from the official side, will find little favour with the 
serious historical student. 

In a sense the life of Metternich is written in the 



^ 

^ 



vi METTERNICH 

archives of European Governments. For the general 
history of the time in which he lived, the bibliographies 
contained in the volumes of the " Cambridge Modem 
History " dealing with his period will supply adequate 
information. 

Of books speciaUy dealing with Metternich's career 
the following will be found useful. There is, of course, 
the Autobiography. It is valuable as illustrating the 
standpoint of Austria in the diplomatic situations of 
the period, the character of Mettemich, and, to a 
certain extent, his domestic life. As an authority it 
must be used upon the principle that when it conflicts 
with other authorities, the latter are probably correct. 

There is no adequate English biography of Metter- 
nich. The volume by G. B. Malleson in the " States- 
men Series " does not profess to be more than a text- 
book. There are, of course, innumerable books in 
English dealing with general European history, which 
contain the landmarks of Metternich's career. The 
drawback of these, even in the case of so admirable a 
work as Mr Alison Phillips's " Modern Europe," is 
that, not from inaccuracy but from want of space, 
which forbids details, they nearly all convey an im- 
pression of Metternich which can only be described as 
Machiavellian. 

Of German books there are a considerable number. 
Dr Wilhelm Binder's " Fiirst Clemens Metternich und 
sein Zeitalter " was published during the Chancellor's 



PREFACE vii 

lifetime ; Schmidt-Wessenfels' " Fiirst Mettemich " 
in 1862. Both biographers, therefore, while giving 
accurate accounts of his career, perhaps Hved too near 
the period dealt with to be able to deliver trustworthy 
judgments. Hormayr's " Kaiser Franz und Metter- 
nich " and Strobl von Ravelsberg's " Mettemich und 
seine Zeit, 1773-1859," are interesting as presenting the 
Chancellor in the light of not too favourable criticism. 
For Metternich's foreign policy Fedor von Deme- 
litsch's " Mettemich und seine auswartige Politik " 
is invaluable, and examines every phase of Austrian 
policy during Metternich's period in the minutest 
detail. 

For the internal condition of the Austrian Empire, 
and the causes which led up to the Revolution of 1848, 
there are, apart from numerous German publications, 
some adequate works in English, such as Stile's 
" Austria, 1848-49," and Maurice's " Revolution of 
1848-49." There is also an excellent appreciation of 
the domestic policy of the Austrian Government in 
" The Genesis of the Austrian Revolution," translated 
and published at the end of Coxe's " House of Austria " 
(Bohn's Edition). 

Personal details concerning Mettemich and side- 
lights on his policy may be found scattered amongst 
the numerous Memoirs of contemporary statesmen, 
Talleyrand, Gentz, Wellington, Castlereagh, etc., but 
the above authorities, short of the direct study of 



viii METTERNICH 

Government archives, will be adequate for an appreci- 
ation of the main phases and details of Metternich's 
career. 

In regard to the illustrations, I am much indebted 
to my friend the Hon. F. G. Agar-Robartes, of the 
British Embassy, Vienna, for his kindness in ascer- 
taining the whereabouts of the various portraits and 
obtaining the two small views of Metternich's resi- 
dences in Vienna. 



CONTENTS 



PAGE 

Important Dates in Metternich's Career . xiii 

Important Dates in European History connected 

WITH Metternich's Career . . . xiv 



CHAPTER I 

THE METTERNICH FAMILY . . . . . I 

CHAPTER II 
EDUCATION . . . . . . .12 

CHAPTER III 
early APPOINTMENTS : THE HAGUE, DRESDEN, AND 

BERLIN ....... 27 

CHAPTER IV 

THE EMBASSY AT PARIS AND WAR OF 1809 . . 43 

CHAPTER V 
THE MARRIAGE ALLIANCE ..... 66 

CHAPTER VI 
THE DRESDEN INTERVIEW . . . . .81 

CHAPTER VII 
THE FALL OF NAPOLEON ..... 98 



METTERNICH 



CHAPTER VIII 

PAGE 

THE METTERNICH SYSTEM IN GERMANY . . .126 



CHAPTER IX 

THE SYSTEM IN ITALY . . . . . 164 

CHAPTER X 

THE EASTERN QUESTION . . . . -179 

CHAPTER XI 

THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1830 AND THEIR RESULTS . 209 

CHAPTER XII 
THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1830 {continued) . . . 233 

CHAPTER XIII 

DOMESTIC POLICY ...... 

CHAPTER XIV 
HUNGARIAN POLICY AND FALL OF METTERNICH . 2f8 

CHAPTER XV 
EXILE AND LAST YEARS ..... 302 

CHAPTER XVI 

CONCLUSION ....... 322 

PRINCE CLEMENT METTERNICH'S FAMILY . . 348 

Index ....... 349 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 



Prince Metternich .... Frontispiece 

From the Painting by Sir Thotnas Lawrence 

FACING PAGE 

View of the Hofburg, Vienna . . . 6o 



Gentz . . . . . . .114 

From the Painting by Sir Thomas Lawrence 

Princess Clementine Metternich . . .162 

Princess Metternich {nee Antonia von Leykam) . 204 
Princess Metternich {nie Princess M^lanie Zichy) 222 

From the Painting by Daffinger 

Francis' I., Emperor of Austria . . .256 

After tlie Painting by Sir Thomas Lawrence 

Metternich's Official Residence on the Ballplatz 294 

From an old Print 

Metternich's Villa on the Rennweg . . 3C30 

From an old Print 

Prince Metternich ..... 324 

From the Painting by Franfois Gerard 



II 



IMPORTANT DATES IN METTERNICH'S 
CAREER 



Born at Coblenz . . . May 15th, 

Goes to Strasburg University .... 

Attends Coronation of the Emperor Leopold and thence 
goes to the University of Mainz . 

Attends Coronation of the Emperor Francis and after- 
wards goes to Brussels University 

Appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to the Emperor at 
the Hague ..... 

Marries Princess Kaunitz . . Sept. 27th, 

Secretary at Austrian Embassy in St Petersburg 

Austrian Ambassador at Dresden 

Austrian Ambassador at Berlin 

Austrian Ambassador at Paris 

Raised to the dignity of a Prince of the Empire 



Death of his first wife 

Marries Antonia von Leykam . 

Death of his second wife 

Marries Princess Melanie Zichy 

Flies from Vienna to exile in England 

Returns to Vienna 

Death . . . . 



March 19th, 

March 3rd, 

Jan. 17th, 

January, 



June iith^ 



1773 
1788 

1790 

1792 

1794 

1795 
1802 

1803 
1805 
1806 
1813 
1825 
1827 
1829 
1831 
1848 
1851 
1859 



IMPORTANT DATES IN EUROPEAN 

HISTORY CONNECTED WITH 

METTERNICH'S CAREER 



Battle of Austerlitz and Peace of Pressburg 

Battle of Wagram and Peace of Vienna 

Marriage of Napoleon to Marie-Louise 

Austria declares war on Napoleon 

The first Peace of Paris 

The Congress of Vienna 

Signing of the Holy Alliance . 

The Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle 

The Carlsbad Decrees . 

The Congresses of Troppau and Laibach 

The Congress of Verona 

Summoning of the Hungarian Diet 

Battle of Navarino 

The July Revolution in France 

The February Revolution in France . 



1805 

. 1809 

. 1810 

August, 1813 

. 1814 

1814-15 

September, 181 5 

1818 

1820 



1820-21 
1822 
1825 
October 25th, 1827 
1830 
1848 



II 



XIV 



METTERNIGH 



METTERNIGH 

CHAPTER I 

THE METTERNICH FAMILY 

Fanciful theories of the origin of the name Metternich — Real 
origin of the Metternich family — Career of Dietrich von Metternich 
— The various branches of the family rapidly extend their pos- 
sessions — The Chursdorf branch change from ardent Reformers to 
staunch Catholics — Ecclesiastical importance of the Metternichs 
— Career of Lothar von Metternich — His nepotism renders him 
unpopular — The family continue to hold high offices in the Church 
— All branches of the family are raised to the rank of Counts — 
Tendency of the family gradually to migrate from west to east, 
and round off their Bohemian possessions — The descendants of 
Phihp Emmerich — Career of Francis George von Metternich — 
His formidable list of titles — He falls under a cloud in later 
years — His success is due rather to favour in high places than 
to natural abiUty — He is raised to the rank of Prince — His 
extravagance — His wife and family 

A VARIETY of fanciful origins have been invented 
for the name Metternich, chiefly by novelists, 
who have been followed in some cases by sober ^bio- 
graphers. Two may suffice as examples. One weU- 
known author,^ a contemporary of Prince Metternich, 
anxious to flatter the patron who had befriended 
him, weaved the following tale, which he enshrined 
in a novel. Amongst the followers of the ill-fated 
Emperor Henry II. on his expedition to Rome was 
a certain captain named Metter. During the march 

^ Christian Heinrich Spiess. 
I 1 



2 METTERNICH 

this warrior turned aside with his troop from the Hne 
of march in order to capture a strong fortress lying 
off the main road. Not only his enemies, but the 
army as a whole concluded that he was a traitor to 
his emperor and had deserted. But Metter proved 
successful in his enterprise, and when on his return 
to the camp the news of his exploit became known, 
the whole army raised a shout of " Metter ! nicht ! " 
(Metter could never have proved false), with the result 
that his name was altered for all time to Metternich. 
The other version is supplied by an old Rhenish 
chronicle. The last Emperor of the Saxons, Henry 
the Holy, had as captain of his bodyguard a certain 
Metter, whom he held in high esteem. Jealous 
courtiers hatched a plot against him. A forged 
letter was handed to the Emperor accusing Metter 
of treason. But the Emperor tore it up, exclaiming, 
" O Metter nicht ! " (Metter would never have done 
such a thing), and when Metter shortly afterwards 
approached, the Court took up the cry. Henceforth 
his name was Metternich.^ 

But the real origin of the name is far simpler. It 
was taken from the town of Metternich in Switzerland. 
The family was one of the oldest in Germany. It 
probably originated in a Roman family which settled 
during the period of the later Emperors round Colonia 
Agrippina and Trevirensis, the modern Cologne and 
Treves. From this stock sprang the family of Alfster, 
famous in the days of the Pipins and Merovings. 
After 1166 the descendants of the Alfsters appear, 
under the name of Hemmerich or Hemberg, as here- 

1 Schmidt Weissenfels, " Fiirst Metternich," vol. i., pp. 2 and 3. 
Prague, 1862. 



THE METTERNICH FAMILY 3 

ditary chamberlains of the see of Cologne. Some- 
where about 1300 a branch of this famous old family 
took the name of Metternich, a town lying close to 
Hemmerich itself, while retaining the Hemmerich 
arms (three black shells on a silver field). In 1320 
the lord Heinrich von Metternich's name appears as 
one of the arbitrators in a dispute between the Bishop 
and burghers of Cologne. At the beginning of the 
fifteenth century the family split into numerous 
branches, the members of which, thanks to lucky 
marriages, acquired large possessions throughout 
the Rhineland. 

The most important of these, and the one to 
which tlie hero of this biography belonged, was the 
family of Wolf-Metternich, originating in 1440 in 
the marriage of Sibilla Metternich with Gotthard 
Wolf of Gudensberg. From this line broke off a 
branch, Metternich-Chursdorf, which is interesting 
because its members pursued a policy which was 
entirely at variance with that of the remainder 
of the family. This line originated in a certain 
Dietrich von Metternich, who emigrated to Branden- 
burg, sold his possessions on the Rhine, and went over 
to the Reformed Church. He rose to considerable 
fame, and at the time of his death held many high 
offices. He had three sons, the youngest of whom 
was raised in 1696 to the rank of Count of the Empire, 
and rendered important services to Prussia as Am- 
bassador at Regentsburg and in Switzerland. In 
1707 he cleverly acquired Neufchatel for Prussia, 
and died in 1727, full of honours. On his deathbed 
he was persuaded by the Jesuits to recant, and both 
he and his wife and children returned to the Catholic 



4 METTERNICH 

religion. It is a proof of his importance that his 
conversion was regarded as a great triumph over the 
heretics, and commemorated in a host of pamphlets 
and verses in honour of the deceased proseljrte. It 
was also a turning-point in the history of the Metter- 
nich-Chursdorf branch. Its members are no longer 
found in the service of Prussia, and from ardent 
supporters of the Reformed Church they became, like 
all true Metternichs, staunch Catholics. 

While the Chursdorf line were pursuing their career 
in Prussia, the main part of the family continued to 
spread in large numbers along the banks of the Rhine, 
and were numerous in Cologne, in Bonn, in Mainz and 
in Trier. They gradually attained great influence in 
ecclesiastical affairs ; held posts in the Church, and, 
since in those days the Church was wont to supply 
the State with its officers, they became a power in 
politics. The commencement of their political im- 
portance is marked by the election of Lothar von 
Metternich in 1599 to the Electorship of Trier. 

Lothar is an interesting figure in the history of 
Germany, and is the most famous of the Metternichs 
before the hero of our biography. He was a born 
statesman, enlightened, energetic, clever. Ambitious, 
and endowed with talents to satisfy his ambition, he 
was yet an ardent Catholic, and unselfishly championed 
the Catholic cause in Germany. Educated during 
the commotion caused by the spread of the Reforma- 
tion doctrines, he alone foresaw the real danger to 
Catholicism from the new faith and the prob- 
able imminence of war. He was a sort of German 
MachiaveUi, determined to forward Catholic ideals on 
political principles, and exerting an influence, as for 



THE METTERNICH FAMILY 5 

instance during the progress of the Thirty Years' War, 
far wider than his apparent sphere of action. He 
staunchly supported Austria, for he saw that she was 
the only Catholic power strong enough to form a 
nucleus for the elements of resistance to Protestantism. 
He therefore took a great part in thwarting the 
scheme of Henry IV. of France for combining with 
the Protestant princes of Germany to overwhelm 
Austria. The incapacity of the Emperor forced 
Lothar into prominence, and it was he who originated 
the idea of a defence league amongst the Rhenish 
electors^ which ultimately culminated in the Catholic 
League of 1609. Schemes for the humbling of Austria 
and Catholicism in Germany did not die with Henry 
IV., but the efforts of Lothar strengthened the hands 
of the Catholics, and in 1619 he took a prominent 
part in overcoming the Protestant resistance to the 
election of Ferdinand II. to the Imperial throne. 

In domestic affairs Lothar proved himself an 
equally able administrator. During the first three 
years of his Electorship he adjusted the finances of 
Trier, and broke the power of his Diet in order to 
give himself a free hand. He then introduced a 
sound system of justice — and, wonderful achievement 
for that age — a creditable military organization. Nor 
did he fail to find time for the encouragement of 
building, arts and science, and, not least, the super- 
intendence of Church affairs. 

Yet with aU these virtues Lothar was not popular 
with his people. Nepotism, curse of the age, was 
perhaps his only fault, but it clouded all his achieve- 
ments in the eyes of his subjects. He raised his 
relations to offices of State whenever it was possible ; 



6 METTERNICH 

uncles and nephews and cousins received lucrative 
bishoprics and princely revenues. Not least, he 
ousted the Canons of Florence from their dwelling 
in the Kranzplatz at Coblenz, in order to build the 
stately mansion afterwards called the " Metternich 
Palace." Consequently, when he died in 1623, ^-fter 
devoting the last years of his life to religious practices, 
his subjects, who had mistaken his motives and hated 
his nepotism, refused to elect as his successor his 
nephew Carl von Metternich, to whom latterly Lothar 
had handed over much of the work of government. 

Still, so great was the influence of the family in 
the Rhenish districts, that three more Metternichs 
held the electoral dignity, Lothar Friedrich, Count 
Bishop of Speyer, and later of Worms, who became 
Elector of Mainz, is only remarkable for the mass of 
manifestoes on Church discipline which he issued, 
and the others were even less important. 

Two other Metternichs, less famous than Lothar, 
served the Catholic cause in the Thirty Years' War. 
Colonel Henry von Metternich (stout warrior and 
companion of John of Worth) was governor of 
Heidelberg for the Elector of Bavaria, and a John 
Reinhardt von Metternich was employed by the 
Saxon Court as Ambassador to Count Tilly when that 
general was ordered to lay down his arms. 

In consequence of the great services performed 
by the Metternichs for the cause of German Catholic- 
ism, all branches of the famUy were at the end of the 
seventeenth century raised to the rank of Counts. 
Their territories had enormously increased, and the 
Winneburg branch especially had vast possessions 
on the Rhine. 



THE METTERNICH FAMILY 7 

In 1630 William von Metternich bought the lord- 
ships of Konigswart and Konigsberg in Bohemia, 
ultimately becoming Burggraf of Eger, and by settling 
in Austrian territory increased that close dependence 
of the family upon Austrian and Imperial interests 
which continued for more than two centuries. The 
Rhine possessions, it is true, still remained, but the 
policy of the Metternich family was to round off their 
Bohemian possessions and concentrate their influence 
in the East. William's son, Philip Emmerich, was the 
first to hold the office of hereditary chamberlain to 
the See 'of Mainz, an office which from that date, 
1673, remained in the Metternich family. Philip 
Emmerich also became an Imperial Count in 1679, 
and by virtue of his lordship of Winneburg and 
Beilstein got a seat and vote in the Westphalian 
CoUege of Counts. No Metternich did much of 
importance for the next half century. The name 
occurs again during the War of the Spanish Succession 
in connection with a dispute about the appointment 
of a Bishop of Miinster. The Dutch selected Count 
Metternich, Bishop of Paderborn. The Emperor 
put forward another candidate. The matter was 
finally adjusted by Marlborough in favour of Count 
Metternich. 

But it is with the descendants of Philip Emmerich 
that we have chiefly to deal. He had six children, 
of whom Francis Ferdinand carried on the principal 
line. He resided chiefly at Konigswart, and had one 
son, Philip Adolf, a most eccentric person, who, how- 
ever, made some addition to the family possessions. 
In 1726 he purchased Konigsberg and enlarged the 
lordship of Konigswart by the purchase of Ammons- 



8 METTERNICH 

grau and Maremgrau in 1710. Of his nine children, 
John Hugo Francis continued the Hne, and his son, 
Francis George, was the father of Prince Clement. 

Francis George von Metternich was born in 1746, 
and lost his father at the age of nine. He was 
not a man of great ability or brilliant gifts, and 
rose to prominence more through the position of the 
Metternich family than from merit. In 1768 he was 
appointed Ambassador of the Electorate of Trier 
to Vienna, and by 1769 his titles formed a lengthy 
list. Among them were those of Hereditary 
Chamberlain to the Archbishop of Mainz, Acting 
Chamberlain to the Elector of Trier, Secret Counsellor 
and Plenipotentiary Minister at the Imperial Court, 
and Chamberlain to the Elector of Mainz. 

In 1771 he married the Countess von Kageneck, 
who was then eighteen years of age. Their first 
child was the Countess Pauline Metternich. Then 
followed two sons, Clement Wenceslas and Joseph, 
both born at Coblenz. Immediately after the birth 
of Clement, Count Francis George repaired to his 
possessions on the Rhine on Austrian State service, 
and in 1775 he served as Imperial Ambassador to 
the Rhenish electorates. In 1790 he was second 
Bohemian electoral Ambassador for the election of 
the Emperor. In 1791 fortune gave him the oppor- 
tunity of earning further honours. When acting 
as Commissioner at Liege he succeeded by clever 
negotiations in quelling a somewhat serious revolt. 
In recognition of his services there he was appointed 
Imperial Minister Plenipotentiary for the general 
government of the Netherlands. But here he had a 
task beyond the powers of even the ablest statesman. 



THE METTERNICH FAMILY 9 

The Province was vast, populous, restless, and, above 
all, prone to the influence of the French Revolution. 
In spite of all his efforts the French armies overran 
it. Although the Austrians managed to re-occupy 
what they lost by the battle of Jemappes, the defeat 
at Fleurus in 1794 finally delivered the Netherlands 
into the hands of the French. Count Metternich 
apparently fell under a cloud in consequence of these 
disasters, but in 1798 he was present at the Congress 
of Rastadt as Imperial Ambassador. Here ended his 
political career, save for a brief period in 1810, when, 
during the absence of his son Clement in Paris, he 
temporarily superintended the Ministry for Foreign 
Affairs. 

All authorities agree that Count Francis George 
was a typical old-fashioned eighteenth century gentle- 
man, " stately, corpulent and prim." What he 
wanted in knowledge and talents was supplied by 
friendship in high places, with Prince Charles of 
Lorraine and Prince Kaunitz. Proud of his birth, 
rank and privileges, and a great upholder of the 
principle noblesse oblige, he nevertheless lacked am- 
bition, and was a kind and gracious master to 
his dependants. Pleasure-loving and frivolous, he 
made the most of life, and was, like his son, ever a 
favourite with the fair sex. His chief fault was that 
he was a confirmed spendthrift, and this, added to 
the loss of estates caused by the French Revolution, 
resulted in the squandering of the large fortune 
which he originally possessed. When the French 
seized the left bank of the Rhine, practically all his 
inheritance on that side was confiscated, including 
Lothar's " Metternich Palace " at Coblenz. To com- 



10 METTERNICH 

pensate him, the Emperor granted him the Abbey 
of Ochsenhausen in Swabia. But although the Em- 
peror in 1802 raised Ochsenhausen to the dignity 
of a principality, this did not alter the fact that 
whereas the old Rhenish possessions had brought 
in an income of 50,000 gulden, the new acquisition 
only produced between 15,000 and 18,000. In fact, 
the newly- created Prince — for the Emperor had 
granted the rank of Prince to each head of the male 
line of Metternich — was so weighed down with debt 
that he put his affairs into the hands of his eldest son 
Clement, and in January 1804 handed over to him 
the lordship of Konigswart, which he had enlarged 
by the purchase of Miltigau in 1790. Clement was 
long crippled by his father's debts, and sold the last 
remnants of the Rhenish possessions to satisfy the 
creditors. But this was not enough, and it was not 
until he had sold the Principality of Ochsenhausen 
to Wiirtemberg for 1,300,000 gulden that he was 
free from embarrassment. 

In politics Prince Francis George was, as might 
be expected from the losses inflicted upon him there- 
from, a fierce opponent of the French Revolution. 
This feeling was increased by a rising which he had 
to quell on his own estates, and by his residence at 
Coblenz, which brought him into contact with the 
French royalist emigres, who made that city their 
headquarters. 

His wife made up for her husband's defects. She 
was of pleasing appearance and sound capacity ; 
above aU, she understood the Prince's failings, and 
knew how to conceal them from the world. She 
survived him by ten years, dying in 1828. 



THE METTERNICH FAMILY 11 

Francis George's branch of the Metternich family 
was now the only one remaining. Clement's sister, 
Pauline, created a Princess in 1814, married Duke 
Ferdinand of Wiirtemberg in 1817. He died in 
1834, and she survived him by twenty-two years. 
Joseph Metternich, Clement's younger brother, 
married Princess Juliana Francesca Sulkowsta, and 
died childless in 1830. 



CHAPTER II 

EDUCATION 

Characteristics of the eighteenth century as illustrated by the 
German States — Danger that Liberahsm might turn to Revolution — 
Austria the type of a rigid bureaucracy — Smrvey of the historical 
setting to Metternich's career and the problems confronting German 
statesmen — The early education of Metternich is undertaken by 
tutors at home — Metternich goes to the University of Strasburg — 
Characteristics of Strasburg University and description of some 
of Metternich's contemporaries and teachers — Revolutionary in- 
fluences at the University — Metternich attends the Coronation of 
the Emperor Leopold at Frankfurt — He resumes his studies at the 
University of Mainz, where revolutionary tendencies are as rife as 
at Strasburg — He again visits Frankfurt, to attend the Coronation 
of the Emperor Francis — After going to see his old home at Coblenz, 
he travels to Brussels to continue his studies at its University — The 
French invasion of the Netherlands and the execution of Marie 
Antoinette call forth his first hterary efifort — Appointment as 
Minister Plenipotentiary to the Emperor at the Hague — Visit to 
EnglEind 

METTERNICH'S father was a very typical 
representative of the age into which Metter- 
nich was born. For the eighteenth century was the 
age of the great gentleman. Birth, polish, fashion 
stood for more than ability and worth. It was 
harder for a Walpole or a Pitt to climb the ladder of 
fame than for a Pelham or a Fox. Of Europe in the 
eighteenth century it may be said that it was essen- 
tially French. Not only did every petty German 
prince mimic French fashions, read French literature, 
and strive to make his palace a miniature Versailles, 

12 



EDUCATION 18 

but those liberal theories, dimly appreciated by the 
so-called " benevolent despots," which, fostered by 
the influence of the American Revolution, had already 
impregnated German university life, had long been 
aired in the stateliest salons of the French nobility. 
Here lay the danger. At first these theories were 
discussed by the rulers and the ruling classes for the 
assumed benefit of the ruled. The initiative must 
come — no 'other idea was in them — from above. 
But soon the principle of Liberalism filtered through 
to the ruled. Always discontented, but previously 
ignorant of better things, the lower orders now sought 
to make themselves heard ; but since the rulers 
were not prepared to yield to the ruled, here were the 
seeds of imminent and inevitable conflict. France 
led the way, but since France set the fashions in 
Europe, Germany, too, followed suit. Nor was the 
soil of Germany altogether unprepared. In Austria, 
especially, the well-meant efforts of Joseph II. had 
roused the expectations of her people, while the 
failure of his reforms, hastily conceived and tactlessly 
carried out, had added to disappointment discontent. 
Everywhere the Universities had imbibed the prin- 
ciples of Liberal philosophers, and the ideas of the 
educated minority were gradually reaching that 
majority whom they were meant ultimately to benefit. 
That there was any danger in the new movement 
was long unrealized in Germany, even after the out- 
break of the revolution in France. For one thing, 
the German courts, who for a century had mimicked 
Versailles, hardly recognized how closely dependent 
they were upon French ideas. But far more was it 
the case that the ruling classes had dallied so long 



14 METTERNICH 

with Liberal ideas with the intention of benefiting the 
people by fatherly legislation in which the people 
themselves should have no voice, that they totally 
failed to conceive the possibility of the people wishing 
to work out their own salvation. Of Austria, above 
all, this was true. Nowhere was bureaucracy so 
stolid and immutable ; nowhere was dynastic tradition 
so strong ; nowhere was the aristocracy so proud. 
As Kaunitz had moulded the constitution, so it 
remained, an octopus of centralization, which, half 
torpid itself, yet held in its tentacles every branch 
of departmental and provincial government and 
paralysed initiative on the part of conscientious 
officials. There would be no yielding here to the 
forces of Liberalism any more than there would be 
in Prussia, bound by the iron military discipline 
of Frederick the Great. As a matter of fact there 
was to be no struggle with Liberalism in Germany 
until after the struggle with revolutionary France. 
A great and unscrupulous intellect curbing the turbu- 
lent elements of revolution made use of the patriotism 
and fervour which that revolution had awakened 
to unite the French people under the banner of 
Ambition. In face of this overwhelming peril Ger- 
man Liberalism was merged in German Patriotism. 
In Austria and Prussia alike the aspirations of the 
masses were for the moment turned to the defence of 
their fatherland. When all was over, patriotism in 
turn assumed the guise of Liberalism. But states- 
men for the most part still lived in the eighteenth 
century. Even gratitude could not induce them to 
grant the masses a voice in affairs. Then came an 
era of spasmodic and almost universal eruption. 



i.iaiiiiiii.iiniJtMiirr- 



EDUCATION 15 

Rulers thought they were fighting the remnants of 
the revolution ; they were really kicking against 
the pricks of Liberty. And in the end the people 
won. Not least in Austria ; for there the people, 
rising with the common aim of breaking through the 
rusty bars of Austrian bureaucracy, hurled from 
office and into exile Metternich — the high priest of 
eighteenth century tradition, who never dreamt in 
wildest nightmares of a day when the courtly Viennese 
should league with the squalid mobs of Revolution. 

Such is the broad historical framework of Metter- 
nich's career. But when Metternich first took part 
in politics the danger was not internal, from revolu- 
tionary propaganda in Germany, but external, from 
the revolutionary arms of France. And never was 
time more ripe for the conquest of Germany. In 
Berlin and Vienna incompetent sovereigns, advised 
by effete bureaucracies, ruled nations — or in Austria's 
case a pot-pourri of nations — which regarded each 
other with a hatred born of long-standing feuds. 
The wars of the eighteenth century had always found 
Austria and Prussia in antagonism, and the loss of 
Silesia was never forgotten by the former. A host 
of insignificant states, jealous of each other and 
mindful only of their own importance in their puny 
spheres, clung like parasites to whichever of the 
larger states seemed to promise them advantage. 
And while everywhere the hopes of the masses were 
raised, either by the influence from France or by the 
Liberal affectations of princelings, nowhere, or almost 
nowhere, was any sign given that those hopes would 
not end in disappointment and despair. For it was 
not only in France that the peasantry were down- 



16 METTERNICH 

trodden ; in Germany, and especially in the Ruthenian 
territories of Austria, the lower classes were in worse 
case than in France. And in Austria the various 
nationalities united under the Hapsburg domination, 
Slavs, Croats, Magyars, Germans, added a complicating 
factor to the problem of Government ; and while 
Germany was disunited, while luxury and ostentation 
in the upper classes utterly sundered them from the 
degradation and poverty of the lower, while as yet 
there seemed little patriotism and no ability, on her 
eastern borders loomed Russia, shadowy, indefinable, 
half-unknown, but young and ambitious of expansion. 

When France crossed the Rhine, would Austria 
and Prussia sink their differences and combine against 
her ? Would Russia aid France or the German 
powers ? Would the despotism and bureaucracy of 
the old era withstand the revolutionary fervour of 
the new ? Was Europe to be French and republican ? 
These were the questions at stake when Metternich 
served his first apprenticeship in diplomacy. For 
Austria bore the brunt of the struggle ; her dominions 
in the Netherlands were first exposed to the French 
onslaught. 

In short, Metternich's career may be summed up 
under two heads. First, it was a successful struggle 
for Austria, and incidentally for Europe, against 
Napoleon and the French Revolution ; secondly, it 
was an unsuccessful struggle against Liberalism, a 
force which, strengthened by the war of Liberation, 
was in reality the inevitable demand of the people 
for a share in government, but which Metternich 
and the older generation of statesmen never ceased 
to believe was the French Revolution under another 



EDUCATION 17 

guise, a destructive agency against which all the 
champions of order must rage. 

Clement Wenceslas Nepomuk Lothair Metternich 
was born at Coblenz on May 15th, 1773. Up to the 
age of fifteen he was very carefully educated at home 
in the family mansion at Coblenz by three successive 
tutors. The first two were Catholic priests, who 
superintended his studies until he was thirteen years 
of age. The third, Frederick Simon, a Protestant, 
taught Clement and his younger brother — for they 
were associated in their studies — until the summer 
of 1788. Clement's mother was chiefly responsible 
for his early training, since diplomatic duties frequently 
obliged Prince Metternich to be away from home. 
StiU he took great interest in his son's education, and 
occasionally criticized such faults as he observed. 
In a letter to Clement, written from Mainz in April 
1785, after praising him for his solicitude in regard 
to his mother's health, he proceeds to take him to 
task for his handwriting. The style was good, but 
there was too much repetition of thoughts and ex- 
pressions ; also the characters were too small. 

" Your handwriting is already so very small, it 
will one day become illegible ; and that would be 
a pity, for I hope that Clement will write what will 
be well worth reading." 

In 1788 Clement was sent to the University of 
Strasburg. He was then fifteen years of age. Stras- 
burg was at this time a very popular University. It 
was presided over by Koch, the famous lecturer on 
International Law and the author of the " History of 
Treaties of Peace," and contained military as well as 



18 METTERNICH 

academic institutions. All creeds were admitted, 
and facilities were afforded for learning both French 
and German. Moreover, the town itself was attractive. 
The choicest society was to be found there, and the 
theatre was second only to those of Paris and Bordeaux. 
Metternich was no burner of the midnight oil. He 
was nothing if not fashionable, and it was not the 
fashion in the eighteenth century to overwork oneself. 
" He was," writes a German biographer, " one of 
those enviable natures,which move surely and easily 
in the highest intellectual regions without climbing 
the steps." One day he would listen to a whole 
lecture ; on another he would leave the lecture room 
half way through ; on another he failed to put in an 
appearance at all. He frequently made up riding 
or driving parties, and was, even at this early date, 
usually in love. He made many friends. Prince 
Max of Zweibriicken, afterwards first king of Bavaria, 
who commanded the Royal Alsatian regiment then 
quartered at Strasburg, had been asked by Prince 
Metternich to keep an eye on Clement ; and both now 
and afterwards was socially of great help to him. 
Among his contemporaries at the university were 
Cobenzl, the future Austrian statesman, and Narbonne, 
with whom, as the representative of France, Clement 
was to have many diplomatic contests in the future. 
One of Clement's greatest friends was Benjamin 
Constant, who, although slightly older, shared his 
admiration for Koch and his love of letters. Curiously 
enough Clement only just missed being a fellow student 
of Napoleon, who had but lately left the University ; 
indeed, he had the same professors as Napoleon for 
fencing and mathematics, and in 1808, while passing 



EDUCATION 19 

through Strasbiirg on his way to Paris, he was visited 
by Fustet, his old fencing-master, who expressed a 
hope that his old pupils, the Emperor of the French 
and the Austrian Ambassador at Paris, would not come 
to blows. Apparently Napoleon had not made much 
impression i!n Strasburg, for Metternich says that he 
never heard his name mentioned. But Metternich 
was in the habit of saying unpleasant things about 
Napoleon. 

Although not sacrificing pleasure or society to his 
studies, Metternich by no means wasted his time. 
He seems to have been most interested in German 
political law and philosophy, though, as a matter of 
fact, he went through the usual course in other subjects. 
Naturally of a pliable mind, his youth rendered him 
peculiarly susceptible to the influence of his teachers. 
Hence his admiration for Koch, whose lectures he 
conscientiously attended, had a very real influence 
on the moulding of his character. Now Koch was a 
champion of system. He liked to display the facts 
of history in order, connecting the past with the present 
and showing the necessary causation. It was a sort 
of doctrine of necessity, and made Metternich for the 
time being almost a fatalist. And perhaps Koch's 
insistence on methodical arrangement of facts bore 
fruit in the extraordinary length, detail, and elabora- 
tion of Clement's memorandums and despatches in 
after life. Koch viewed the French Revolution with 
misgiving, and this influenced his pupils. But it is 
unnecessary to give Clement credit for having at this 
time gauged the danger of the Revolution, or indeed 
having any decided opinion on it at all. He probably 
regarded it with the natural curiosity of a boy of 



20 METTERNICH 

sixteen, and nothing more. But if Koch mistrusted 
the trend of events in France, it was not so with 
many of his colleagues. Strasburg affords a good 
example of what was going on at this time in other 
universities of Germany. It teemed with revolu- 
tionary teachers and revolutionary doctrines, and 
the future career of some of Clement's instructors 
will perhaps help to explain why in after life he re- 
garded Universities as the hotbeds of Liberalism and 
sedition. Even Koch ultimately went over to the 
Revolutionary party, and was chosen as a deputy. 
But he was far too moderate for the Jacobins, who 
imprisoned him, and ultimately he ended his days at 
Strasburg on a pension granted him by Napoleon. 
Others became more stalwart revolutionaries, includ- 
ing the professor who acted as Clement's tutor up 
to 1790. This man was a member of the Revolu- 
tionary Tribunal during the Reign of Terror, and 
earned the curses of Alsace for the atrocities which 
he committed in that district. Later he presided 
over the Council of Ten on August loth, 1792, and 
finally became a teacher of German in Paris, where 
Metternich found him in 1806. But, owing to 
Napoleon's dislike of Jacobins, he lost his place, and 
on the return of the Bourbons was employed to teach 
German to the children of the Duke of Orleans. 
Metternich's religious instructor, professor of Canon 
Law at Strasburg and afterwards bishop of that city, 
ultimately forswore religion and publicly burnt the 
insignia of his office in the midst of a revolutionary 
orgy. It is almost surprising that Clement avoided 
becoming a revolutionary himself. 

In the spring of 1790 Prince Metternich, fearing 



EDUCATION 21 

that the progress of the French Revolution might 
render Strasburg a dangerous residence, decided to 
withdraw his son from the University, although his 
studies were not really completed. A pretext was 
afforded by the impending coronation of the Emperor 
Leopold, at Frankfurt. Thither Clement accom- 
panied his father. The splendid ceremony greatly 
impressed him ; every trifling detail savoured of 
long tradition ; but he noted with alarm the ignorance 
shown by the German world in general of the inevit- 
able effects of the French Revolution, which must 
sooner or later react on the neighbouring countries. 
At Frankfurt Clement soon became a favourite. It 
was here that he made the acquaintance of the Arch- 
duke Francis, afterwards the Emperor Francis II., 
and of other prominent members of Viennese society. 
The Archduke was five years his senior, but from this 
time dates the friendship which was to last uninter- 
ruptedly until Francis' death. 

With the fair sex especially Clement was in great 
request. His appearance at this time, and indeed 
always, was singularly prepossessing. TaU and 
dignified, he moved with an easy grace which 
attracted aU eyes to him. His oval countenance, 
framed in masses of auburn hair which circled over 
his shoulders, was lighted up by large blue eyes, 
which added to his fascination. A slightly aquiline 
nose and lips, which were too sensual, complete 
the portrait. An agreeable voice, combined with 
great conversational powers, assured him a welcome 
at any entertainment, and usually enabled him to 
obtain almost an5d;hing he desired, from women's 
favours to loans of money. He was, in the words of 



22 METTERNICH 

Prince Kaunitz, " a good, amiable young man of the 
nicest sense, a perfect cavalier." At Frankfurt 
Clement performed his first public function, for he 
was appointed Master of Ceremonies to the Catholic 
Imperial Counts of the Westphalian Bench. Although 
not a post of responsibility, it was a compliment to a 
youth of seventeen. 

As soon as the coronation was over Clement was 
sent to resume his studies at the University of Mainz. 
Mainz was celebrated as a place where young men 
of fashion completed their education ; it was supposed 
to impart a knowledge of the world and the art of 
savoir faire, so that, apart from desultory lessons in 
Law and Jurisprudence, Clement devoted his time 
chiefly to social activities, which enabled him to form 
many useful friendships and helped to mould his 
character. At this time Mainz was the rendezvous of 
many French emigres of the higher class, voluntary 
exiles for the most part, with whom Clement was 
thrown much in contact. He consequently formed 
his ideas of Frenchmen and the French Revolution 
from them, and his mistrust of the Revolution, 
originally instilled by Koch, was increased. " I 
came to know the French," he wrote afterwards, " I 
learnt to understand them and to be understood 
by them." 

Yet revolutionary tendencies were as rife at Mainz 
as at Strasburg. Some professors, notably one 
named Hofmann, interlarded their lectures with 
allusions to the emancipation of the human race, 
"as it was so well begun," sarcastically observes 
Metternich, " by Marat and Robespierre." Metter- 
nich was also a frequent visitor at the house of George 



EDUCATION 23 

Foster, afterwards the companion of Captain Cook 
on his famous voyage, and at this time a great patron 
of revolutionaries. The dramatist Kotzebue and 
John Miiller were also residing at Mainz. 

Clement spent his vacations with his parents at 
Brussels, where his father was filling the post of 
Minister to the States General of the Austrian Nether- 
lands. The Prince made his son work in his depart- 
ment, which was an excellent training for his future 
career. But there is no reason to suppose that 
Clement had political ambitions at this period. He 
was just of the age when the keenest enjoyment of 
life is experienced, and probably his most ardent 
aspiration was how best to fulfil that enjoyment. 

In 1792, after five years' residence at Mainz, Clement 
was summoned to Frankfurt, again with the object 
of attending a coronation. This time it was that of 
the Archduke Francis, his future master. He acted 
in the same capacity as on the previous occasion. 
The function was even more imposing than the 
coronation of Leopold, but Clement noted that the 
participators in it seemed more apprehensive than 
before of the proximity of the French Revolution. 
At Frankfurt Clement was enabled to improve his 
acquaintance with the Austrian Court circle, and 
became especially intimate with Prince Anton Ester- 
hazy, principal ambassador to the Emperor. He 
also renewed his friendship, commenced in childhood, 
with that fascinating personality Princess Louise of 
Mecklenburg, afterwards Queen of Prussia, whose 
beauty and noble qualities he never ceased to admire. 
It was with her that he opened a ball given after the 
coronation by Prince Esterhazy. Clement was en- 



24 METTERNICH 

trusted on this occasion with the arrangement of 
the banquet which preceded it, which proves that 
even in his youth his power of entertaining and 
social organization was recognized. Amongst many 
others with whom he contracted friendships, were 
the Abbe Mauny, Papal Nuncio, and the Vicomte de 
Mirabeau, younger brother of the famous French 
politician, himself an ardent loyalist. 

From Frankfurt the assembled Royalties moved to 
Mainz, where the Elector entertained them at his 
Court, reputed to be the most luxurious in Europe. 
Clement, however, went home to Coblenz. Here he 
made the acquaintance of the Crown Prince of Prussia, 
afterwards that Frederick William II., with whom he 
was to have so many dealings in the future. This 
Prince was with the Prussian army, then encamped 
only two miles from Coblenz. Clement was favour- 
ably impressed with his giant figure, stout in pro- 
portion, and his stately and pleasant manner. He 
was " a head taller than any crowd in an assembly." 
After a short stay at Coblenz, Clement went to 
Brussels, in order to avail himself of its University 
to continue his studies. These, however, proved 
somewhat intermittent. War had broken out, and 
French armies were already overrunning the Low 
Countries. In fact, he spent most of the winter of 
1793-4 in travelling to and fro between Brussels and 
the Austrian army, either with commissions from 
his father or on visits to friends. He was present 
at the siege of Valenciennes, and it fell to him to 
receive as prisoners those unfortunate commissioners 
of the French Convention, who, having been de- 
spatched to the French army then invading the Nether- 



EDUCATION 25 

lands with the object of arresting General Dumouriez, 
were instead coolly arrested by him and sent under 
escort to the Austrian outposts. 

It was about this time (August 1794) that the 
execution of' Queen Marie Antoinette called forth 
Clement's first literary effort. It took the form of 
a pamphlet appealing to the warlike ardour of the 
Austrian nation, and insisting on the " necessity for 
a universal arming of those dwelling on the frontiers 
of France." He gave an account of how the French 
successes against a nominally united Europe were 
menacing the world's peace, urged that " the citizen 
and yeoman " should be armed, and vehemently 
attacked what he called the " flathead politician " 
of the old school. He styled himself " a friend of the 
universal peace." 

Towards the end of the winter he journeyed 
to London with the Chief Treasurer of the 
Netherlands Government. The visit was partly 
educational, for England was at this time re- 
garded on the Continent as the classical school for 
statesmanship. As a matter of fact, Clement had, 
before his departure, been appointed Minister Pleni- 
potentiary of the Emperor at the Hague, and this, 
becoming known, aided his introduction to the best 
English society. Cordially welcomed by the King, 
he also made the acquaintance of the Prince of Wales, 
whose handsome face and charming manners he 
praises, remarking with little truth, that his sound 
intelligence prevented his being corrupted by the 
bad society with which he surrounded himself. Yet 
Clement was disgusted at the Prince's behaviour to 
his father, and relates, in regard to the fact that he had 



26 METTERNICH 

once remonstrated with him, that thirty years after- 
wards the Prince, when George IV., sadly remarked 
to him, " You were very right then." Clement also 
came to know Pitt, Fox, Burke, Sheridan, and Grey, 
besides many politicians of less note. He made a 
point of frequently attending Parliament in order to 
study the working of the British constitution, and 
followed the trial of Warren Hastings with interest. 
He visited Portsmouth in order to see the departure 
of the merchant fleets for the East and West Indies, 
and was courteously received by Lord Howe. He 
crossed over to the Isle of Wight, and from the hill 
behind Cowes watched the magnificent spectacle, 
which much impressed him. He begged to be allowed 
to witness the naval battle off Ushant which ensued, 
but Howe pohtely refused, remarking that his orders 
were to send him back alive to London. However, 
he had the pleasure of seeing four French men-of-war 
escorting emigres from Toulon hoist the white flag 
on entering British waters and join Howe's fleet. 



CHAPTER III 

EARLY APPOINTMENTS : THE HAGUE, DRESDEN, 
AND BERLIN 

The French successes in the Netherlands render Metternich's 
appointment a purely nominal one — The French confiscate the 
richest of the Metternich family lands — Metternich weds Princess 
Kaunitz — Reflections on the advantages of the match — Metternich 
spends two years in quiet and study — He attends the Congress of 
Rastadt — His impressions of the French diplomatists — After a visit 
to Berhn and St Petersburg, he returns to his scientific studies at 
Vienna — Metternich's dishke for Thugut the Foreign Minister — He 
accepts the post of Austrian Representative at Dresden — Some 
leading hghts of Dresden society — The eccentricities of Elliot — 
Metternich makes the acquaintance of Gentz — On the conclusion of 
his appointment, he compiles a voluminous paper dealing with the 
political situation in Germany — Metternich is appointed Ambassador 
at Berhn, where he finds ample scope for his activities — Difficulty 
of bringing Prussia into hne with Austria and Russian pohcy — 
Vacillating character of the Prussian King — Rivahy of Haugwitz 
and Hardenberg — Austria, as a member of the Third CoaUtion, 
declares war on Napoleon, and is crushed — The humiliating Treaty 
of Pressburg — Metternich's services at BerUn are rewarded with the 
Grand Cross of the Order of St Stephen 

METTERNICH now proceeded to take up his 
post of Ambassador Extraordinary and 
Minister Plenipotentiary at the Hague. It was to 
prove a somewhat nominal office. He had some 
difficulty in reaching the Hague at aU. A French 
fleet was in the Channel. This he safely avoided. 
But while trying to cross from Harwich to Helvoet- 
sluys, his ship was driven by a gale into the roads of 
Dunkirk, then being bombarded by Sidney Smith. 

27 



28 METTERNICH 

For two hours the vessel was exposed to a cross fire. 
At length, however, escaping all dangers, Metternich 
reached Holland. He visited Amsterdam, part of 
North Holland, and finally the Hague, but finding 
the French in occupation of most of the Netherlands, 
he gave up his task as hopeless and departed for the 
Lower Rhine. But even here he was not safe, for 
the French armies carried all before them, and were 
soon in possession of the whole left bank of the Rhine. 
This meant that the richest portion of the Metternich 
family lands was lost, and Prince Metternich, anxious 
for his less lucrative but still surviving possessions 
in Bohemia, summoned his son to Vienna and de- 
spatched him to Konigswart. Here Clement remained 
alone during November and December of 1794, 
organizing the estate and making such improvements 
as seemed necessary. 

On returning to Vienna he found his own wedding 
awaiting him. In his absence a match had been 
arranged for him by his parents with Princess Kaunitz, 
daughter of Prince Ernest von Kaunitz Rietberg, and 
granddaughter of the famous Austrian Chancellor. 
Owing to the bride's indisposition, the wedding did 
not take place until September 27th, 1795, when it 
was celebrated at Austerlitz. On the whole, the 
marriage was more successful than might have been 
expected. The Princess was twenty years of age, and 
by no means beautiful. She had been spoilt in child- 
hood, for, as the granddaughter of Kaunitz, she had 
ever been accustomed to homage and flattery. She 
was not the sort of wife who would stay at home and 
confine herself to housekeeping and the management 
of her husband's estates. Society and amusement 



EARLY APPOINTMENTS 29 

were to her the breath of Hfe. Still she was just the 
wife to suit Metternich. She brought a large fortune 
to aid his crippled resources, and the wide connection 
and great social standing of the Kaunitz family could 
not fail to be invaluable to a rising diplomatist. 
Moreover, being a woman of sound sense, she thor- 
oughly understood Metternich. Husband and wife 
were alike in their love of pleasure and their lax 
standard of morals, and they made allowance for 
each other. Neither lived a blameless domestic life, 
but, apart from occasional tiffs, they had no serious 
differences. 

For the next two years Metternich lived a quiet 
and monotonous life. The summer was usually 
spent at his wife's estate at Austerlitz, the winter 
at Vienna. Diplomacy, with which he professed to 
be disgusted, was temporarily abandoned. Instead, 
he devoted himself to Science, of which he had always 
been fond. He studied Geology, Chemistry, Physics, 
and Medicine, especially the latter, for " man and 
his life semed to me to be objects worthy of study." 
Indeed, at this period it almost seemed likely that he 
would adopt the medical profession. He frequented 
the hospitals and attended aU important operations, 
and in after life his friends often jokingly remarked 
that they would rather have him to attend them than 
a professional doctor. 

In 1797 died Prince Kaunitz, full of years and 
honour, and shortly afterwards Metternich was sum- 
moned from his scientific studies by the Counts of 
the Westphalian College to represent them at the 
Council of Rastadt, assembled to adjust territorial 
claims arising from the recent French occupation of 



30 METTERNICH 

German lands. Thither he accompanied his father, 
who was plenipotentiary of the German Empire. 
The Congress of Rastadt, where his duties proved 
chiefly secretarial, only increased Clement's disgust 
with politics, although he himself appears to have 
made a pleasing impression on at least one observer, 
who described him as " a very courteous, unassertive 
young man of captivating exterior." In fact, every- 
thing at Rastadt, food, people, entertainments, filled 
Metternich with disgust. The members of the 
Congress did nothing but wrangle and display their 
selfishness, and the Congress itself was entirely 
abortive. Napoleon was among the French repre- 
sentatives, and Metternich relates how he arrived 
at night in a fairylike scene illuminated by the light 
of torches, welcomed by crowds, and escorted by 
Hussars, who surrounded his eight-horsed postchaise. 
Josephine sat at his side, and Murat opposite him. 
Metternich's opinion of the French diplomatists in 
general is thus expressed in a letter to his wife, dated 
December 9th : — 

" I declare that in all my life I never saw such ill- 
conditioned animals. . . . All these fellows have 
coarse muddy shoes, great blue pantaloons, a vest of 
blue or of all colours, peasants' handkerchiefs, either 
silk or cotton, round the neck, the hair long, black, 
and dirty, and the hideous head crowned by an 
enormous hat with a great red feather. One would 
die of fright, I believe, if one met the best clothed of 
them in a wood." 

Indeed, his letters at this period are one continuous 
grumble. His only consolation was a French play 



EARLY APPOINTMENTS 31 

which was provided at the Chateau. But everything 
was absurdly ' dear, and he complains that an in- 
different supper of six dishes cost 55 florins. Occasion- 
ally Metternich performed at concerts, for he was 
musical ; he also attended balls. But even balls 
at Rastadt were dull. 

" There is not under the canopy of heaven a more 
wearisome thing than a baU at Rastadt ; there are 
nearly 100 men . . . and 8 or 10 women, half of 
them more than 50 years old." 

Apparently even Rastadt fashions were out of date. 

" Fair perruques are still the fashion ; you have 
no idea of the number that are sold in Rastadt. Hair 
is so scarce in France that they have already begun 
to get it from Russia and Sweden." 

But outside evidence proves that the Metternichs, 
both father and son, managed to pass the time happily 
enough, and Kotzebue, who was also at Rastadt, was 
amused to observe their obvious preference for the 
society of pretty women to the dull routine of duty. 
The father even encouraged the son in his gallantries, 
which in that lax age were not calculated to shock 
the hardened consciences of German courtiers. 

Metternich left before the conclusion of the Congress 
and consequently did not witness its tragic sequel, 
when a detachment of Austrian cavalry waylaid the 
French commissioners and killed several of their 
number. He returned to Vienna and, with the excep- 
tion of a journey to Berlin and St Petersburg with 
Count Stadion, again confined himself to scientific 
studies. He affected only the most exclusive society. 



32 METTERNICH 

and made several interesting friends. One was the 
famous Pozzo di Borgo, then the secret agent of 
Great Britain, and always the bitter enemy of 
Napoleon. Metternich describes him as " a man of 
great fluency and warmth in expressing his feelings." 
Later on Pozzo entered the Russian service and 
became a steadfast opponent of Austrian policy. 
Metternich also occasionally visited the famous 
Prince de Ligne. This Prince had been very kind to 
him during his sojourn in the Netherlands, and had 
tried to induce him to marry his daughter. He 
even used jokingly to call him his son-in-law. Curi- 
ously enough, the man whom this lady eventually 
married had once been engaged to Princess Kaunitz, 
Metternich's wife. 

While in Vienna, Metternich paid occasional visits 
to the Emperor and to Thugut, the Minister for 
Foreign Affairs. For the latter, who was indeed a 
political adventurer, he had an intense dislike. " I 
agreed with him in his principles," he writes, " but 
not with the manner in which he carried them out." 
Thugut was accused by some of being in the pay of 
England, by others of being the paid servant of 
France. Metternich affirms that really he was quite 
incorrupt, but that living in haughty obscurity, he 
yet interfered too much in every department of 
government. " The history of his Ministry," is 
Metternich's biting comment, " may be summed up 
in a series of miscalculations, all of which contributed 
to support and advance the preponderance of France." 
It must be in fairness remarked that modern historians 
have to a great extent exonerated Thugut from these 
charges. 



EARLY APPOINTMENTS 38 

Apparently at this time Metternich was not by 
any means anxious for preferment or for any active 
work ; indeed, the Emperor on several occasions 
rallied him on his " indolence." 

Yet when, on the retirement of Thugut in conse- 
quence of the Peace of Luneville, a redistribution of 
diplomatic posts took place, Metternich was offered 
a choice of three alternatives, namely, the secondary 
post of Austrian representative at Dresden, the 
embassy at Copenhagen, and the post of Minister 
for Bohemia in the German Reichstag. Of these, he 
reflected, Copenhagen was remote from the hub of 
European politics, while a Minister for Bohemia 
would hardly have much opportunity for displaying 
that diplomatic talent in which Metternich excelled. 
There remained Dresden, which for several reasons 
was desirable. Not merely was it the centre of a 
brilliant society, not merely was it an important 
diplomatic outpost for watching French intrigues, 
but the ruling Prince was Metternich's godfather, and 
presumably he would be welcomed with open arms. 

So Metternich chose Dresden. On the whole his 
choice was a wise one. It is true that his welcome 
was hardly so warm as might have been expected, 
and that the Prince asked him if the Emperor had 
been unable to find anyone else for the post. But in 
society Metternich made many useful friends among 
Russian and Polish families, and during his term of 
office appears thoroughly to have enjoyed himself. 

It must be remembered that at this period the 

profession of diplomacy was, at any rate in Austria, 

regarded rather as an agreeable occupation than as 

a science. It was a means whereby young men of 

3 



34 METTERNICH 

noble birth satisfied their ambition, and it has been 
well said that " Divine Right still predominated in 
diplomacy as among sovereigns." And so Metternich, 
handsome, polished, and popular, went everywhere 
and knew everybody. Where pretty ladies were to 
be found, he was never far absent, and when Goertz 
paid a visit to Dresden in the summer of 1802, he was 
introduced by Metternich to a round of gaiety and 
brilliant society such as he had never experienced 
before. Three great ladies were pre-eminent as 
hostesses and society leaders, the Princess Adam 
Czartoryska, the Countess of Courland, with one 
of whose daughters Metternich afterwards became 
much enamoured, and Princess Bagration. The last- 
named was in reality a sort of Russian spy employed 
to further Russian interests at the Saxon Court, and 
was high in favour at St Petersburg. With her 
Metternich commenced a liaison which lasted until 
the Vienna Congress. She is described as small and 
neat, with a child-like face " white as alabaster," 
and a figure slightly robust but pleasing. A slight 
short-sightedness gave her an appearance of timidity. 
Her dress was apparently somewhat ultra-fashionable, 
for she bore the nickname of " The Naked Angel." 

The society over which these ladies reigned was 
absurdly out-of-date. Dresden, in fact, was a sort 
of oasis in the desert of states affected by the French 
Revolution. Everything was tranquil, everyone was 
careless of the turmoil around them. The costumes, 
the gala days, the customs were the same as they had 
been in the middle of the eighteenth century. " The 
French Revolution," wrote Metternich, " after over- 
throwing the old monarchy had reached the stage of 



EARLY APPOINTMENTS 85 

Bonaparte's Consulate, but at the Saxon Court hoops 
had not yet "been discarded." 

The Diplomatic Corps at Dresden were numerous 
and included the eccentric English Ambassador, 
Hugh Elliot, who had been sent thither after 
losing his post at Copenhagen because he de- 
clared war on Denmark on his own responsibility. 
Metternich found Elliot a very pleasant companion 
in society, but considered him, as most other people 
did, a madman. There are many good anecdotes 
concerning him. It was the custom at Potsdam 
reviews for foreign officers to attend upon the King, 
Frederick II., who showed his preference for the 
French by causing their officers to be introduced 
singly, while the English were introduced en bloc. At 
one of these receptions, when the Chamberlain had 
announced in his most solemn voice, " I have the 
honour to present to Your Majesty twelve English- 
men," Elliot interrupted in a loud voice with, " You are 
mistaken, Herr Mareschal, there are only eleven." 
Afterwards, when Elliot was appointed to Berlin, 
Frederick, mindful of the incident, and wishing to show 
his displeasure at the appointment, chose as his repre- 
sentative in London a certain undesirable Count Lasi. 
Elliot, on being informed of this by a Prussian friend, 
said, " The King, your master, evidently could not 
have chosen anyone who would have better repre- 
sented him." EUiot used to boast to Metternich 
that he always had news to send home to his Govern- 
ment. "If I do not know of anything," he gravely 
admitted, " I invent my news and contradict it by 
the next courier." Metternich often went hunting 
and for picnic parties with Elliot and the Saxon 



86 METTERNICH 

Ministers ; in fact, he made a point of getting to 
know everybody who might be useful to him. That 
is the only justification for his numerous love affairs. 
Ladies bore no small share in the diplomacy of the 
day, and politicians frequently found that popularity 
with the fair sex smoothed away hindrances from 
their paths. Women such as the Princess Bagration 
and the Duchess of Sagan had considerable influence 
on Metternich's career, both then and afterwards. 

It was at Dresden that Metternich first became 
acquainted with Gentz. He was introduced to him 
by Joseph von Buol, the Secretary of Legation, who 
was the centre of a literary circle of which Gentz was 
a member. The result was a lifelong friendship 
between the two men, cemented on Gentz' part by 
a very welcome loan. Gentz in his turn introduced 
Metternich to two of his friends. With one, the 
eccentric Adam Miiller, Metternich found he had 
nothing in common, but the other, Joseph Pilat, 
became Metternich's private secretary, and con- 
tinued in that capacity until the Chancellor's fall in 
1848. But, although he afterwards said that Dresden 
was the cradle of his diplomatic education, Metternich 
had very little opportunity for distinguishing himself. 
Dresden was really only an appendage to the Embassy 
at Berlin, whence Count Stadion usually sent direc- 
tions to Metternich as to his action on any important 
point. At most, Dresden was an outpost, recognized 
as such by the Ministers of Europe, whence the un- 
certain policy of France might be observed. The 
general situation was one of unrest, and Metternich's 
residence of eighteen months at Dresden was a period 
of observation and reporting. Soon after his arrival he 



EARLY APPOINTMENTS 37 

compiled for his own use an " Instruction," a volumin- 
ous paper, chiefly interesting as a review of the 
European situation, since he had no chance of putting 
the principles advocated in it into practice. In a 
letter to Count Cobenzl at the conclusion of his period 
of service, he sums up the result of his observations 
at the Court of Dresden, namely, that Saxony was 
prodigal indeed of fair words, but would do little 
practically to aid Austria in her scheme for resisting 
French aggression, for fear of offending Prussia. 
(November 20th, 1803.) 

Towards the end of the year 1803 Metternich was 
nominated Ambassador to Berlin, which at once 
opened out a wider sphere for his abilities. He did 
not immediately enter on his new duties. In com- 
pensation for the Metternich possessions on the left 
bank of the Rhine, which had been confiscated by 
the French, the Emperor granted Prince Metternich 
the abbey lands of Ochsenhausen. Clement was now 
commissioned to take them over, after which he 
travelled to Berlin, passing through Vienna on his 
way. King Frederick William II. and Queen Louise 
welcomed him as an old friend, and throughout his 
residence at their Court dispensed with strict etiquette 
in their relations with him, except on the most public 
occasions. Metternich soon made many friends. 
He became intimate with the French Ambassador 
Laforest and the Russian Alopeus, and entered with 
zest into the whirl of Berlin society, which was at 
this time famous for its luxury and excesses. 

But, however much he preferred social activities, 
at Berlin Metternich was compelled to take a keen 
interest in politics. At last he had an opportunity of 



88 METTERNICH 

displaying his abilities, and a definite object towards 
which to direct them. Austria and Russia were now 
cordially united in opposition to France. It was 
Metternich's task to strengthen this alliance by 
procuring the adhesion of Prussia. A coalition 
between the three great Powers of Continental Europe, 
backed by the maritime power of Great Britain, 
would surely prevail against the insatiable Napoleon 
and stem the course of French aggrandizement. In 
the hope of such a result the Austrian Government, 
under the direction of Cobenzl and CoUoredo, pre- 
pared for war, while Metternich used every effort to 
convince the Prussian Court that its interests were 
identical with those of Austria. At first sight this 
seemed no difficult task. As Metternich wrote to 
CoUoredo (September 24th, 1804), the obvious policy 
for Prussia and Austria, both menaced by the power 
of Russia on the one side and of France on the other, 
both worsted in a desperate struggle with the latter, 
and both grievously weakened by that struggle, was 
to combine for mutual security. But such a policy 
was by no means so obvious to the Prussian Court, 
swayed hither and thither between two contending 
factions. Hardenberg represented the Austrian party, 
while Haugwitz, whom Metternich evidently con- 
sidered the evil genius of Prussia, led those who 
favoured a French alliance. He was ably supported 
by Lombard, Secretary to the King's Cabinet, who 
had contrived to acquire great influence over King 
Frederick William. The character of this King was 
not equal to the crisis. He would at one moment 
eagerly accept the overtures of Austria ; at the 
next, veering round under the influence of Lombard, 



EARLY APPOINTMENTS 89 

he would have nothing to do with them. He was a 
mere weathercock of faction, and Metternich con- 
sidered that in the end he would decide in favour of 
whichever Power he most feared. Metternich was 
loyally supported by the Russian Alopeus, by Harden- 
berg, of whom he continually expresses the opinion 
that he was genuinely devoted to the Austrian alliance, 
and by the Prince Louis Ferdinand. This Prince was 
leader of the war-party, and is described by Metternich 
as possessed of a " brilliant exterior " and refined 
manners, but unfortunately addicted to bad company. 
The Queen, also, usually aided Hardenberg's policy 
with her influence. 

Yet for a long time all Metternich's efforts seemed 
futile. Hardenberg was favourable but helpless 
owing to the various hostile influences working upon 
the King, whose character was " repugnant to any 
measure which obliges him to act with decision." 
Moreover, Prussia was apprehensive on several points. 
Might she not be inveigled into another coalition, 
a prospect which, in view of previous experience of 
coalitions, was not pleasant ? If she joined Austria 
and Russia, would not that alliance very possibly 
be dominated and organized by Great Britain, and 
would it not also lead inevitably to schemes of 
aggrandizement ? Again, Austria wanted Prussia to 
aid in the recovery of her Italian possessions, and 
what interest had Prussia in Italy ? Nor, to add to 
Metternich's difficulties, was the support of Russia, 
though loyal enough, altogether judicious. Alopeus 
himself had " an abrupt and excitable manner," 
but was on the whole temperate. But Alexander 
was inclined to bully Prussia. He sent his aide-de- 



40 METTERNICH 

camp, Wintzingerode, to Berlin, practically to threaten 
a movement of Russian troops into Prussian territory, 
though nominally with a polite request that Frederick 
William would permit Russian troops to pass his 
frontiers. But the only effect was to frighten Prussia, 
not to persuade her. 

What the Austrian and Russian diplomatists failed 
to accomplish, Napoleon, by an act of incredible folly, 
brought about himself. In October of 1805 a Prussian 
lieutenant, marching with twenty-four hussars on the 
road between Wurtzburg and Anspach on Prussian terri- 
tory, was surrounded and taken prisoner by 4000 French 
troops. This at once decided the policy of Prussia. 
Frederick William had always announced that Prussia 
would maintain a strict neutrality so long as her 
territory was not violated. Now she could hardly 
hesitate to throw in her lot with Austria. Yet, to 
clinch the matter, the Czar Alexander felt that his 
presence was necessary, and accordingly arranged 
for a meeting with the Prussian King. Mettemich 
was delighted. He had been so convinced of the 
necessity for Austria to secure the adhesion of Prussia 
to her anti-French policy through the influence of 
Russia, that he had committed the error of imagining, 
like Alexander, that Prussia could be coerced. The 
meeting, therefore, which took place at Potsdam be- 
tween him and the Czar was most cordial. Alexander 
was charmed with Mettemich, whose personality always 
had a fascination for Romanticists, of which the Czar 
was one. StiU there was need of tact. Not only 
were Haugwitz and the French party still active, but 
Alexander's impulsive nature had to be moderated. 
It irritated him to find the Prussian Court still vacil- 



EARLY APPOINTMENTS 41 

lating, and even Hardenberg continually having 
recourse to unworthy evasions and ambiguous declara- 
tions. At last, on November 3rd, a Treaty of Alliance 
was signed between Russia and Prussia, but it left 
so many loopholes of escape open to the latter that it 
could hardly be deemed satisfactory. In the mean- 
time, Austria had declared war, and disaster after 
disaster had fallen upon her arms, culminating in 
Austerlitz. Prussia was called upon to bring pressure 
to bear upon France ; instead, she pursued a course 
which admirably illustrates her whole attitude at 
this period. Haugwitz, who had never ceased his 
intrigues with France, was entrusted with the mission 
of announcing to Napoleon Prussia's determination 
to permit no humiliation of Austria and to resist 
any further advance by the French armies. With 
imperturbable duplicity Haugwitz delayed on his 
journey so long that by the time he reached Napoleon's 
presence the success of the French was assured, and 
by a premeditated change of front he was able instead 
of threats to offer the congratulations of Prussia to 
the victor. 

So ended the Third Coalition. By the Peace of 
Pressburg Austria was forced to dissolve her alliance 
with Russia, and at Schonbrunn Haugwitz signed a 
treaty with Napoleon on behalf of Prussia. Metter- 
nich's work at Berlin had, through no fault of his own, 
proved a failure. He had, perhaps, suffered himself 
to be guided too much by Russia. It was Alexander 
who advocated the foolish policy of coercing Prussia, 
and it was Alexander's rash advice that an immediate 
renewal of hostilities should take place which resulted 
in Austerlitz. Yet it is hard to blame Metternich 



42 METTERNICH 

for believing that in Russia lay Austria's one hope 
of securing Prussia's support, or to deny his statement 
that " without the Emperor Alexander . . . Prussia 
would have been immovable." But the fact remains 
that Prussia's adhesion was but temporary and half- 
hearted, and that, at the termination of Metternich's 
sojourn at Berlin, Napoleon was stronger than ever 
before. Still the activity and watchfulness which he 
had displayed in the course of a difficult negotiation 
was deservedly rewarded by the bestowal of the 
Grand Cross of the Order of St Stephen. " We are 
certain," wrote Cobenzl (November loth, 1805), in 
announcing the bestowal of the honour, " that this 
proof of His Majesty's goodness, which you have 
shown yourself so worthy to receive, will only re- 
double your zeal in his august service." 

It was at this time that Metternich, struck by the 
remarkable ingenuity with which Napoleon utilized 
the Moniteur and even the Continental Press to publish 
calumnies against the policy of the Allied Powers, 
advocated the publication of a newspaper under the 
protection of and published by the Powers to counter- 
act these influences. His idea was that the paper 
should consist of official news of the allied armies, 
explanations and criticisms of the news officially 
published by the enemy, and of political treatises for 
the purpose of guiding public opinion. There was 
also to be a literary section, refuting the pamphlets 
published by the French and giving references to trust- 
worthy works which might advantageously be consulted. 
Although this scheme was never given a practical trial, 
it illustrates Metternich's conviction that control of 
the Press was not only necessary but beneficial. 



CHAPTER IV 

THE EMBASSY AT PARIS AND WAR OF 1809 

Dire results of the Treaty of Pressburg upon Austria — Metternich, 
having been appointed Austrian Ambassador to the Court of 
Prussia, becomes, owing to a whim of Napoleon, Ambassador at 
Paris — He attains remarkable social success and gains the friendship 
of Napoleon — His impression of the sentiments of the French nation 
towards Napoleon — Napoleon's measures to counteract the dis- 
advantage of a parvenu dynasty — Metternich's relations with 
French poUticians and political parties — His opinion of Fouche and 
TaUejnrand — Dehcate position of an Austrian Ambassador to France 
— Siurvey of the phases of the poUtical situations with which 
Metternich had to deal — The final humiliation of Prussia at Jena — 
In spite of Metternich's efforts, the Treaty of Fontainebleau is 
entirely in favour of France — Metternich watches with satisfaction 
Napoleon's increasing embarrassments in Spain — And intrigues 
against him with the French malcontents — Napoleon rudely re- 
monstrates with Metternich on the subject of Austria's military 
activity — Napoleon's schemes for the partition of Turkey — Im- 
potence of Austria revealed by the Conference at Erfurt — Metternich, 
overrating Napoleon's difficulties in Spain, urges on the Austrian 
Government the necessity for war — He visits Vienna to observe the 
progress of the mihtary preparations — On the declaration of war 
Metternich is detained some time in France — On reaching Vienna 
he finds the city already in the hands of the French — Metternich 
refuses Napoleon's request for an interview — On the completion of 
the arrangements for his exchange, he joins the Emperor Francis — 
And is present at the disastrous battle of Wagram — After being 
placed in charge of the peace negotiations at Altenberg, he is replaced 
by Prince John of Lichtenstein — He is appointed Minister for 
Foreign Affairs in the room of Count Stadion 

THE Treaty of Pressburg completed the dissolution 
of the German Empire. For Austria, especially, 
it was an appalling catastrophe. It has been com- 

43 



44 METTERNICH 

puted that by its provisions the Emperor Francis lost 
nearly three millions of subjects and one-sixth of his 
revenue, while he had also to pay forty millions of 
francs to compensate for the unpaid portion of the 
War Contribution imposed on his hereditary states. 
Partly to appease Napoleon, Cobenzl was replaced 
by Stadion at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and 
amidst the general shifting of officials responsible for 
or implicated in the recent disasters Metternich was 
appointed Ambassador to St Petersburg. He had 
actually proceeded to Vienna on his way to take up 
his new post when a whim of Napoleon's changed 
his destiny. 

Count Philip Cobenzl had been appointed Austrian 
Ambassador to the French Court, but Napoleon 
objected to the selection, and asked for Metternich. 
It is said that Talle3n:and suggested his name, re- 
membering that when Ambassador at Berlin Metter- 
nich had shown great kindness to Laforest, the French 
Ambassador, at the time when owing to the recent 
Treaty of Alliance between Austria, Russia, and 
Prussia, Frenchmen resident in the latter country 
were in an invidious position. To Metternich the 
change was unwelcome. He had formed a warm 
friendship with the Czar and had been looking for- 
ward to a sojourn at St Petersburg. On the other 
hand, he felt a strong antipathy to Napoleon, with 
whom he identified the principles of the Revolution. 
The Emperor Francis, however, had great faith in 
Metternich's abilities. He recognized that Austria 
required an Ambassador at Paris who would be content 
to observe and humour Napoleon, and supply Austria 
with a breathing space in which to recoup her shattered 



THE EMBASSY AT PARIS 45 

resources. Metternich, with his social and diplomatic 
abiHties, was the man, and it was an additional qualifica- 
tion that Napoleon was favourably disposed towards 
him. Francis, therefore, sent for Metternich, and 
by a little judicious flattery persuaded him to accept 
the post. He accordingly left Vienna in July 1806 
bound for Paris. But Napoleon was engaged in 
negotiations with the Russian envoy and did not 
wish the two Ambassadors to meet. Consequently 
Metternich had to wait at Strasburg, and only reached 
Paris during the first week of August. 

From the first moment of his arrival in Paris, 
Metternich's embassy was a brilliant social success. 
His old-world and stately dignity could not fail to 
impress the parvenu Court of Napoleon. He was well 
received by the Imperial Family, and soon contracted 
a warm friendship with Napoleon's sister Caroline 
Bonaparte, who, in his own words, " joined to 
a pleasant exterior uncommon powers of mind." 
The manner of their first introduction was not en- 
couraging. Napoleon apparently left them together, 
remarking to his sister, " Entertain this simpleton, 
we are wanted elsewhere," a good instance of the 
rudeness with which Napoleon sought to conceal his 
awkwardness in respectable society. From this 
brusque introduction dated a liaison which lasted 
down to 1814. Caroline afterwards married Murat, 
Napoleon's famous marshal, who became King of 
Naples. In 1814, when the allied armies were invading 
France, Castlereagh, to his amazement, came across 
some intercepted letters from Metternich to the 
Queen of Naples, giving her advice and couched in 
endearing terms. 



46 METTERNICH 

Not only with Caroline, but with all the ladies of 
the French Court, Metternich was a favourite. His 
ready wit, powers of conversation and originality 
made him a delightful companion, while the elegance 
of his equipage and his expensive habits attracted 
universal attention. French society during the 
Napoleonic era has been so often depicted that any 
description of it here would be superfluous. Yet it 
may not be amiss to give some of Metternich's im- 
pressions of the state of France during the period of 
his embassy to Paris, and the Court, policy and person- 
ality of Napoleon. 

Metternich came to the conclusion that the majority 
of the French people were yearning for peace. 
Napoleon's marshals, raised in many cases from the 
lowest rank to wealth and honours, sought only an 
opportunity of enjoying them in peace. Such were 
Berthier and Davoust, who both possessed well over 
a million of capital. The commercial population, who 
had at first gained considerably from war, tired of it 
now that Napoleon had put a stop to fraudulent 
contracts ; while the masses were weary of constant 
levies and constant taxation. Of war, then, France 
had had enough. But this did not mean that 
Napoleon was personally unpopular with the French. 
His brilliant succession of victories had dazzled a 
nation which loved to be dazzled. Moreover, he had 
gained respect by his sound and practical domestic 
reforms. Even Metternich always had a great 
admiration for Napoleon. If only he had curbed his 
ambition and adopted a policy of peace, France, in 
Metternich's opinion, would gladly have remained 
loyal to him. For France needed discipline, and 



THE EMBASSY AT PARIS 47 

Napoleon was the man to provide it. Jena repre- 
sented the summit of his power, and, if he had made 
Jena his last battle, all would have been well. Having 
weakened Prussia, he should have joined it to the 
Confederation of the Rhine and organized the whole. 
Why had he not done this ? Partly because his 
ambition was boundless and indomitable ; partly 
because he saw, as all close observers saw, that the 
embers of Revolution still flickered menacingly 
beneath the fabric of personal government which he 
had so cunningly raised up. Therefore a means of 
distracting the attention of malcontents must be 
found. War was the most obvious expedient. 
Another, in its way no less effective, caused con- 
siderable amusement to Metternich. 

To preserve himself from the machinations of the 
Revolutionary party, Napoleon bolstered up his 
anomalous position by mimicking the procedure 
and surroundings of the late Legitimate Monarchy. 
Old forms hallowed by long tradition were preserved, 
and lavish expenditure was employed to build up a 
Court and aristocracy fit to vie in magnificence, at 
least, with those of the great Louis. Hunting was, 
of old, the pastime of French kings, so Napoleon, 
thpugh he cared not a straw for the sport, imported 
deer from Hanover and other parts of Germany to 
refill the Forest of Fontainebleau, twenty leagues in 
circumference. Yet even so, it was but a travesty 
of the days of the Grand Monarch. Napoleon himself, 
more intent on exercise than on the deer — for violent 
riding was beneficial to his health — was wont to gallop 
at full speed right and left through the forest quite 
irrespective of the movements of the hounds. More- 



48 METTERNICH 

over, so insufficient was the supply of horses in the 
Imperial stables that only foreign Princes were 
invited to the hunting-parties. 

Another feature of the Bourbon Court had been 
theatrical performances. Accordingly Napoleon 
engaged the actors of the Comedie Frangaise to 
perform at Fontainebleau three times a week at a 
salary of one thousand crowns each. The pleasing 
illusion of bygone splendour was heightened by a 
brilliant Court. The enormous rewards conferred 
by Napoleon upon his marshals, and even upon the 
old nobility, assured him a crowd of courtiers, and 
millions of francs spent on luxury and empty shows 
kept them outwardly loyal to the upstart dynasty. 
The Secretaries of State for France and Italy, who 
resided at Fontainebleau, kept open house for 
foreigners, thus incurring prodigious expense, while, 
on those evenings when no play was being acted, 
members of the Imperial Family took it in turn to 
entertain the Court. 

Metternich's popularity in society brought him 
into contact with all sorts and conditions of prominent 
persons, both French and foreign. He consequently 
gained a real insight into French politics, which was 
of great use to him afterwards. He cultivated the 
friendship of Count Tolstoy, the Russian Ambassador, 
and the other members of the Diplomatic Corps. 
He made a point of becoming acquainted with 
members of all the factions in France. But there 
were two leading Frenchmen whom he always dis- 
liked. Of Lafayette he always spoke with scorn, 
dubbing him an " ideologue," and of Barere, " the 
Anacreon of the GuUlotine," he says that from his 



THE EMBASSY AT PARIS 49 

appearance he might have been considered a harmless 
creature and that, Hke Robespierre, he possessed a 
" spurious refinement." 

With Talleyrand and Fouche Metternich always 
maintained close relations. Talleyrand was in favour 
of an alliance between Austria and France, and both 
he and Fouche were deeply implicated in intrigues 
against Napoleon. Metternich had called upon Talley- 
rand soon after his arrival in Paris and had been 
favourably impressed. He was wont to call this 
interview the beginning of his public life. He had 
frankly told Talleyrand that Austria was quite willing 
to maintain friendship with France, but that friend- 
ship was not to be regarded as equivalent to submission. 
Metternich's estimate of Talleyrand and Fouche is 
interesting. The former possessed unusual intellectual 
ability, but was inconsistent in character and politics. 
Though a priest, he was irreligious ; though of noble 
birth, he sought to uproot the old nobility ; when 
serving under the Republic, he forswore the Republic ; 
when serving the Emperor, he intrigued against him ; 
and even at the end of his career, when serving the 
Bourbons, he maintained a double-face. In short, 
though he had adopted the theories of the English 
school of politicians, he was fitted rather to destroy 
than to create. Indeed, so prone was Talleyrand to 
hinder any definite course from being taken that 
Napoleon once said of him, " I turn to him when 
I want a thing not to be done, which I wish to appear 
to want." In private life, however, Talleyrand was 
agreeable and trustworthy. 

Fouche was a complete contrast. He was the 
enemy of theories, and always went to extremes. 

4 



50 METTERNICH 

He thoroughly understood the French character, 
and managed to gain the confidence even of the 
Emigres. 

There is Httle doubt that this pair of clever intriguers 
sought to use Metternich as a catspaw in their schemes 
against Napoleon ; and to a certain extent they 
succeeded. 

For of necessity, Metternich could play but an 
unheroic part in European politics. The task of an 
Austrian ambassador to France at this period was 
not enviable. It was essentially his policy to watch 
Napoleon's designs, and give Austria time to recuperate. 
For Austerlitz, though it had shattered the Austrian 
army, had not crushed Austrian spirit. Stadion 
wisely advised his Emperor gradually and silently to 
reorganize the army and prepare for a more successful 
struggle with Napoleon. It was Metternich's duty 
to conceal these intentions from Napoleon, and 
pretend as long as possible that Austria was friendly 
to the Napoleonic regime. Obviously he must not 
commit Austria to any definite arrangements with 
France, and at the same time must secure all possible 
allies for the coming struggle. 

European politics, always tangled and kaleido- 
scopic while the ambition of Napoleon brooded over 
them, were perhaps never more complicated than 
during the year of Metternich's embassy to Paris. 
It will suffice to touch briefly on those events which 
affected Austria and Metternich's career. 

The final humiliation of Prussia, the adjustment of 
the outstanding differences between France and 
Austria in Italy, and Napoleon's designs on Turkey 
and intervention in Spain, form the chief phases of 



THE EMBASSY AT PARIS 51 

diplomatic situations with which Metternich had to 
deal. 

The Austrian Government was naturally anxious 
that Prussia, as well as Austria, should have time to 
recuperate, for it was the policy of the two countries 
to combine at the first favourable moment against 
the overweening ambition of Napoleon. Metternich 
therefore spared no effort to prevent a rupture between 
France and Prussia. But Napoleon was bent on 
Prussia's humiliation, and within two months of 
Metternich's arrival in Paris he had set off for that 
campaign which ended so disastrously for Prussia 
with the battle of Jena, The foreign representatives 
crowded to congratulate the victor as soon as his 
return was announced. Napoleon, as might have 
been expected, addressed unpleasant remarks to all ; 
but Metternich, who perhaps had most of all desired 
the victory of Prussia, boasts that he escaped more 
lightly than the rest, merely receiving some hints as 
to the desirability of a prompt settlement of the 
boundary between Austrian and French territory 
in Italy. 

This settlement was, as a matter of fact, soon 
afterwards brought about by the Treaty of Fontaine- 
bleau. Here again, Metternich had perforce to accede 
to Napoleon's demands. Everything was arranged 
in favour of French interests. The Isonzo was 
designated as the boundary, the Hapsburgs received 
no compensation for their lost territory, and Trieste 
was with difficulty retained for Austria. As Metter- 
nich bitterly remarked, the only merit of the Treaty 
was that it left no possible cause of dispute outstanding. 
In truth, Metternich, good diplomatist as he was, 



52 METTERNICH 

was no match for Talleyrand either in experience or 
cunning, while his adroitness and eloquence, which 
might have availed with a more ordinary potentate, 
were poor weapons with which to combat the brusque 
bullying of Napoleon. " I have yielded at last," 
he plaintively wrote to Stadion on October 12th, 1807, 
" to irresistible proofs that each delay would only 
bring the chances of new sacrifices." 

Far different were his feelings towards the gradual 
development of Napoleon's designs-on Spain. Those 
designs, without touching vital Austrian interests, were 
yet fraught with hope for Austria. Every step that 
Napoleon advanced into the Spanish quagmire 
widened the sphere of politics in which Austria could 
secretly oppose him, and increased the possibility 
of success in the inevitable conflict. Moreover, as 
events developed, the " Spanish Ulcer " not only 
diverted his armies but distracted the mind of 
Napoleon from German problems, and following 
the advice of Stadion and Metternich the Austrian 
Government hurried on their preparations for war in 
proportion as Napoleon became more deeply involved. 

To gain information as to Napoleon's plans, Metter- 
nich used his intimacy with Caroline Bonaparte, 
whom he employed to wheedle information out of 
Napoleon. The French ministers were not unaware 
of these stratagems. General Savary, chief of 
Napoleon's confidential police, wrote that Metternich 
had " the absolute disposal of a lady of whom Fouche 
has an indispensable need. Discretion forbids me 
to name her." But the advantage was not all on 
Metternich's side, for Fouche and Talleyrand in their 
turn used Caroline to gain information from her lover. 



THE EMBASSY AT PARIS 53 

It was indeed greatly owing to Fouche and Talle3n:and 
that Metternich's ordinarily cool temper was kindled 
into something like warlike ardour. They encouraged 
him to exaggerate the distracting effect of Spanish 
affairs upon Napoleon. Fouche used to invite Metter- 
nich to his garden, where he introduced him to the 
leaders of the popular risings in Spain and Portugal. 
The assertions of these men as to the formidable nature 
of the national resistance to France and the many 
symptoms of Anti-French feeling in Rome and Naples 
increased Metternich's conviction that now was the 
time to strike, and encouraged him to hasten on the 
Austrian preparations. 

Rumours of Austrian military reorganization could 
not fail to reach Napoleon's ears, and, though anxious 
to retain the friendship of Austria during the present 
crisis in Spain, he was determined to fathom the real 
intentions of the Viennese Cabinet. An opportunity 
was soon afforded him. The news of the famous 
Capitulation of Baylen, when the French General 
Dupont with twelve thousand men surrendered to 
the Spanish, encouraged the Austrian Government 
to redouble their energy. Already, by the advice of 
Stadion, all able-bodied men between the ages of 
eighteen and twenty-five had been incorporated in 
the Landwehr, and an unparalleled spirit of military 
enthusiasm seized hold of the Austrian people. 

Napoleon, perplexed and annoyed, resolved to 
bring matters to a head. On August 15th, 1808, he 
received the Diplomatic Circle previous to his de- 
parture for Spain. The audience took place just 
before a service held in the Chapel of St Cloud to 
celebrate Napoleon's birthday. The Emperor entered 



54 METTERNICH 

with a large retinue. At once he accosted Metternich 
" in a loud voice and pompous tone " with " Well, 
Sir Ambassador, what does the Emperor your Master 
want — does he intend to call us back to Vienna ? " 
As in the case of most famous conversations, accounts 
of what followed vary. Metternich himself dwells 
on the brusque bullying tone adopted by Napoleon, 
and states that he himself remained unabashed, and 
answered him in an equally loud tone, whereupon 
Napoleon suddenly turned round, and breaking off 
in the midst of a sentence, strode into the Chapel 
without completing the round of the Circle. Cham- 
pagny, the French Foreign Minister, naturally, in his 
account, glosses over the violence of Napoleon's tirade 
and gives a less lurid account of the interview. What 
is certain is that Napoleon reproached Metternich 
with the hostile armaments in Austria, which must 
be intended either to attack or intimidate France. 
If they were so intended, he would retort by arming 
the Confederation of the Rhine and instituting war 
to the death. Russia, too, would be brought in to 
help France in a partition of Turkey, in which case 
" I will no longer admit you to the future settlement 
of many Questions in which you are interested." 
Napoleon also made uncomplimentary remarks about 
" England's invisible hand." 

The unfavourable impression left by the interview 
was not allayed by an assurance given by Champagny, 
who subsequently entertained the ambassador at a 
banquet, that nothing personal had been intended. 
The Austrian Government began to fear that their 
country was destined to be handed over as spoil to 
one of Napoleon's adherents, and from this time 



THE EMBASSY AT PARIS 55 

relations became more strained between the Courts of 
Paris and Vienna. There was a frequent interchange 
of letters between Champagny and Metternich, in 
which the former protested against the Austrian 
preparations, while the latter ingenuously explained 
that the activity was due to the reorganization of 
the Austrian Empire. More than ever, indeed, was 
it necessary for Metternich to hide the warlike pre- 
parations of Austria, to foment French intrigues 
against Napoleon, and to make friends with foreign 
diplomatists. 

It will be remembered that mention was made at 
the interview on August 15th of a Partition of Turkey. 
This scheme, involving as it does the relations of 
Austria and of France towards Russia, proved the 
fourth problem with which Metternich had to grapple 
during his embassy to Paris. Napoleon's scheme 
was to divide the Turkish dominions between France, 
Austria and Russia, and this, curiously enough, was 
nothing less than the first step towards ousting the 
British from India. Napoleon, indeed, admitted as 
much to Metternich when, in January 1808, he first 
propounded the scheme to him. Metternich always 
maintained that Napoleon had no desire to possess 
the Ottoman territories in themselves. He merely 
wished to obtain Austrian and Russian support in 
securing him a footing in the East as a means towards 
destrojdng British commerce. He pressed Metternich 
to advise Austria to join him in the project : other- 
wise, he threatened, she should not receive her share 
of the spoil. But Metternich, faithful to his policy 
of non-committal, cautiously answered that the 
Emperor Francis with his peace-loving nature would 



56 METTERNICH 

almost certainly be unfavourable to a scheme which 
threatened so completely to upset the status quo. 

Accordingly Napoleon decided to ignore Austria 
altogether, and strove assiduously to induce Russia 
to join him in the Partition. The position was 
critical for Austria ; and Metternich realized it. It 
was undesirable that she should spend the men and 
jnoney collected for the coming struggle with Napoleon 
upon a project suggested by, and probably to the 
chief advantage of. Napoleon. On the other hand, 
seeing that she was already isolated from Great 
Britain, it was dangerous to make fresh enemies by 
refusing to join Russia and France — in an under- 
taking, moreover, which vitally affected Austria as 
a power with interests in the Balkan peninsular. 
This last argument finally convinced Metternich, 
and on January i8th, 1808, he wrote to Stadion, 
" We cannot save Turkey ; therefore we must help 
in the Partition and endeavour to get as good a 
share of it as possible." 

Yet Austria was really powerless. In the plan 
of Partition tentatively drawn up by Napoleon and 
Alexander, Austria received but a meagre portion. 
All depended on the attitude of Russia, the more so 
in proportion as Napoleon became entangled in Spain. 
The crisis came with the Congress at Erfurt. Napoleon 
had long sought an interview with the Czar to settle 
the affairs of the East. At length it was arranged 
to take place in October. 

It was now seen how little voice Austria was to have 
in the matter. The Emperor Francis was indeed 
invited to attend the Conference, but he seems to 
have feared that his prestige would suffer. Accord- 



THE EMBASSY AT PARIS 57 

ingly Baron Vincent was sent as the Austrian Envoy 
to Erfurt, He was kept utterly in the dark as to the 
course of the negotiations. Metternich was in the 
same pUght. How much the position galled him 
is shown by his correspondence. He had not been 
allowed to follow Napoleon to Erfurt, and though he 
corresponded with Tolstoy, the Russian Envoy in 
Paris, he failed to obtain any accurate information 
either from him or from Vincent. Though convinced 
that the Conference was merely a " trap " for 
Alexander, he could not probe the secrets of the 
meeting, and wrote plaintively to Stadion that he 
supposed Vincent would inform the Austrian Govern- 
ment of all that took place, since he himself knew 
nothing. 

As a matter of fact, the issue of the Conference 
at Erfurt was not unfavourable to Austria. Russia 
refused actively to interfere against her, and Napoleon, 
who, hampered by his difficulties in Spain, had hoped 
to fascinate the impressionable mind of Alexander 
by a display of power and magnificence, and had 
failed, was forced to acquiesce. In fact, when he 
received the Diplomatic Corps on the 29th of October, 
prior to his departure for Bayonne and Spain, he made 
a point of being polite to Metternich, 

But Metternich was bent on war. Shortly after 
the Conference was over, he wrote to the Austrian 
Government urging that now was the time to strike, 
and no sooner was Napoleon on his way to Spain than 
he obtained leave to pay a visit to Vienna. He 
wished to observe how the Austrian preparations 
for war were progressing. He arrived at Vienna on 
November loth, and learnt from Stadion that Austria 



58 METTERNICH 

was on the verge of declaring war. The Cabinet was 
almost unanimous in favour of bringing matters to 
a crisis, but Francis characteristically hesitated to 
commit himself to the chances of war. He took 
advantage of Metternich's presence to ask him to 
examine the Question and tender his advice to 
the Cabinet. Mettemich accordingly drew up three 
Memorandums containing his views on the situation. 
Two were of a political nature. The third was 
entitled " Armee Frangaise ; Guerre d'Espagne." 
His argument was that, since the supremacy of 
Napoleon was dangerous to the very existence of 
Austria, war was imperative, and, since Napoleon 
was hopelessly involved in Spain, now was the favour- 
able opportunity for declaring it. He calculated 
that Napoleon would only have 206,000 men at 
disposal for a war with Austria, and, although the 
Archduke Charles expressed his dissent from this 
estimate, Stadion agreed with Metternich. But 
Metternich did not share the view of Stadion and 
others that North Germany would throw in her lot 
with Austria. Like the Archduke Charles he con- 
sidered that Austria would have to work out her own 
salvation. Indeed it was only an exaggerated idea 
of the extent to which Napoleon was crippled by 
the rising in the Peninsula that caused Metternich 
to clamour for war ; and the mistake was almost 
entirely due to putting too much trust in the 
statements of those astute intriguers, Fouche and 
Talleyrand. 

Affairs were in this position when Metternich, 
hearing that Napoleon had abandoned the pursuit 
of Sir John Moore, and was returning to Paris, hastened 



THE EMBASSY AT PARIS 59 

back to Paris to be present on his arrival. In spite 
of the inclement weather, he reached Paris on 
New Year's day 1809, and was cordially received by 
the French Ministers. Champagny, especially, the 
Minister for foreign affairs, showed himself obviously 
desirous of peace. Metternich observed that public 
opinion in France was excited but by no means 
depressed about events in Spain ; but as regarded 
Austria the general opinion was that war was inevit- 
able. Metternich had an interesting interview with 
Talleyrand, which convinced him more than ever 
that he was plotting against Napoleon. He had 
even urged Alexander to resist Napoleon at Erfurt. 

Napoleon arrived on the night of the 22nd, and on 
the 24th received the foreign ambassadors. Contrary 
to expectation he made no outburst against Austria, 
and it almost seemed that Metternich had deceived 
him as to the pacific intentions of Austria. 

For some months after this reception, Metternich 
remained in certainty that war would come, though 
his Government wisely forbore to acquaint him with 
what was actually taking place. At last, on March 
2nd, he was ordered to inform Champagny that, 
owing to Napoleon's demonstrations, Austria had 
felt compelled to arm. On April 15th Champagny 
informed Metternich that he was to receive his Pass- 
port as soon as the exchange of the personnel of the 
two embassies could be effected. Yet for six weeks 
after this warning he remained in France, as if no 
rupture had occurred, until, on May i6th, Fouche 
informed him that he must leave for Vienna as soon 
as possible. Even now he was delayed by an inflam- 
mation of the eyes, and only left Paris on May 26th. 



60 METTERNICH 

At Chalons-sur-Marne he met the first signs of war — 
a train of Austrian prisoners — and heard rumours 
of a French reverse, which probably referred to the 
battle of Aspem. At Strasburg he found the Empress 
Josephine, to whom he paid a visit. 

He reached Vienna on June 5th. There he found 
that his father had, with others, been selected as a 
hostage for a contribution levied on Vienna by the 
French, from which position he hastened to rescue 
him. For the war of 1809 was half over. Vienna 
was already in the hands of Napoleon. 

Events had moved rapidly. The original Austrian 
plan of campaign — a comprehensive and vigorous 
offensive — had broken down owing to defective 
transport. Napoleon had been enabled to concentrate 
his scattered forces, StUl the Austrians had fought 
gallantly ; Aspern was nearly a French reverse. 
But Napoleon characteristically followed up even a 
doubtful success, and pressing on with ruthless energy 
was in occupation of Vienna when Metternich arrived. 

Metternich lost no time in securing an interview 
with Champagny, who entertained him to dinner in 
the French camp. It cheered him to observe that the 
French seemed ill satisfied with their partial success, 
and were by no means confident of ultimate victory, 
from which he drew fresh hope. 

On the morning of the 7th, Metternich gained 
permission to move into a country house at Griinberg 
belonging to his mother, and while there was astonished 
one morning to observe General Savary ride up to the 
door. This visit was interesting, for Savary, the chief 
of those confidential police who were set to watch 
even the police of Fouche, was always employed by 



THE EMBASSY AT PARIS 61 

Napoleon on missions which demanded great discretion 
or secrecy. Napoleon was at this time residing at 
the palace of Schonbrunn, the gardens of which 
adjoined those of Griinberg. Savary had been sent 
to suggest that Metternich should stroll into the 
garden of Schonbrunn and discuss the situation with 
Napoleon. But Metternich sent him away discom- 
fited with a point-blank refusal, and later rejected 
a similar overture from Champagny. In his opinion 
it was no time for overtures. Everything he had 
seen convinced him that Austria still had a chance 
of victory. He was not going to be wheedled or 
buUied by Napoleon. 

At length, on June 26th, the arrangements for his 
exchange were complete, and he left Griinberg under 
escort for the Austrian army. An exciting incident 
attended the journey. An Austrian battery mistook 
the escort for that of the Viceroy of Italy, who was 
on his way to join Napoleon, and opened fire. The 
first shot passed through the wheel of the carriage, 
the second whizzed over the top. But happily there 
were no casualties, and on July 2nd Metternich safely 
reached Acs, in Hungary, where he was exchanged 
for a French officer held prisoner by the Austrian 
Government. 

Without delay, Metternich set off for Wolkersdorf, 
fifteen miles distant, where Francis had his head- 
quarters. As there was daily expectation of a decisive 
battle, the Emperor informed him that he was to 
remain at his side for the rest of the campaign and 
tender his advice. 

For Stadion, the chief promoter of the war, was 
in the utmost despondency, being " one of those 



62 METTERNICH 

men of lively imagination and quick understanding, 
who are easily overcome by the impression of the 
moment." 

Thus it came about that Metternich was present 
at the disastrous battle of Wagram. The Emperor 
Francis and he watched the course of the struggle 
until the evening of July 5th, when they retired to 
Wolkersdorf for the night. They returned at dawn 
on the following morning. At this period the Austrian 
right was apparently victorious, and all seemed well. 
Metternich had procured a telescope for the occasion 
and with its aid described the various phases of the 
battle to the Emperor. By one o'clock the balance 
had turned in favour of the French, and about this 
hour CoUoredo announced that the Archduke Charles 
had ordered a general retreat. Francis calmly in- 
quired if the movement had already commenced. 
" When the Emperor," writes Metternich, " heard that 
the army was already in full retreat, he said to his 
Adjutant, ' Very well,' and added, turning to me, 
* We shall have much to retrieve ! ' " 

There was indeed much to retrieve, and it was 
Metternich who had to do it. Wagram broke Stadion's 
heart, and he resigned immediately after the battle. 
Francis sent for Metternich on July 8th and offered 
him the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. But Metternich, 
perhaps from policy, perhaps really from kind- 
heartedness, persuaded him to retain Stadion until 
the conclusion of hostilities. So sudden a resignation 
might savour of a desertion of the cause of liberty. 

Shortly afterwards, Metternich had an opportunity 
of thoroughly discussing the situation with the 
Emperor, for when the Court moved for greater 



THE EMBASSY AT PARIS 63 

safety to Komorn, in Hungary, he shared the 
Emperor's carriage. At Komorn came the news that 
an armistice had been concluded. After Wagram, the 
Archduke Charles had retired on Znaim. Napoleon 
had languidly pursued him, and again defeated the 
remnants of the Austrian army. Metternich never 
ceased to blame the Archduke for this retreat, and 
declared that there should be no treating with Napoleon 
until Austrian soil was freed from French troops. 

But facts were against Metternich. Whatever 
ought to have been done or might have been done, 
the situation now demanded the opening of negotia- 
tions, and arrangements were made accordingly. 

The Archduke Charles, finding that Francis was 
inclined to agree with Metternich's disapproval of 
the manner in which he had conducted the campaign, 
resigned in not unnatural disgust ; conscious of hav- 
ing done all that was in the power of mortal man. He 
was succeeded by Prince John of Liechtenstein. The 
headquarters of both Court and Army moved to Totis, 

Now that negotiations had been decided upon, 
Champagny was sent by Napoleon as his repre- 
sentative while Metternich, assisted by Count Nugent, 
represented Austria. A difficulty at once arose as to 
Metternich's title. He was no longer ambassador to 
France ; he had not yet assumed the Portfolio of 
Foreign Affairs. It was eventually arranged that 
he should act under the title of Minister of State. 

Metternich's sole desire was an honourable peace, 
but he was convinced that Napoleon's object was 
merely to gain time. The French army had suffered 
severely in the hardly contested battles of Aspern 
and Wagram. Otherwise Napoleon would have 



64 METTERNICH 

followed up his advantage at once. When, therefore, 
negotiations were opened at Altenburg, in Hungary, 
Metternich insisted on fair terms being granted to 
Austria. But Napoleon was obdurate. He made 
certain offers regarding Bavaria and Italy which were 
quite incompatible with the dignity of Austria, and 
beyond them he refused to go. Grim despair seized 
Metternich and the Austrian Government. Napoleon 
began to threaten war if his terms were not accepted. 
Probably Metternich would altogether have rejected 
them. But matters were suddenly taken out of his 
hands. Napoleon sent Count Bubna to ask the 
Emperor Francis to send John of Liechtenstein to 
treat with him. " The Diplomatists," he wrote, " do 
not know how to get through an affair like the present ; 
we soldiers understand one another better," Francis, 
whether anxious to conciliate Napoleon in every 
possible way, or mistrusting Metternich's capacity 
for dealing with the crisis, acceded to the request. 
Metternich returned to Totis, where he learnt that 
Napoleon had summoned Champagny to Vienna, 
thus putting an end to the Altenburg negotiations. 
Metternich was furious at affairs being taken out of 
his hands. He writes scornfully in his Memoirs of 
Prince John and his mission. Though a born soldier, 
an ardent patriot, high-minded and with a great zeal 
for right, he lacked judgment. He had succumbed 
to the wiles of Napoleon in 1805, and since he regarded 
that human prodigy merely as a brother-soldier, Vas 
fairly certain to be outwitted by him again. Metter- 
nich even professes to have warned Francis against 
sending Prince John on the mission, and to have told 
the Prince himself that it was merely a device of 



THE EMBASSY AT PARIS 65 

Napoleon to lure him away from the army. In any 
case he is convinced that Prince John was utterly 
outwitted, and recounts the improbable tale that 
Napoleon announced the Treaty of Vienna with a 
discharge of cannon, before it was actually signed, 
in order to force the hand of the Austrian negotiator. 

There is little doubt that in reality Metternich 
was entirely ignorant of the negotiations preceding 
the Treaty, and, at first, of the terms of the Treaty 
itself, that the ignorance galled him, and that this 
explains his bitter comments on the whole proceeding. 
Yet his eclipse was not of long duration. It was 
soon after the signature of the Treaty of Vienna that 
Metternich became Chancellor of the Austrian Empire 
and Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

It is a m,oot point whether the fall of Stadion was 
a disaster or a blessing for Austria. Stadion was 
a real patriot, eager to reform abuses, to re-organize 
the constitution, and above all to curb the power of 
Napoleon. With his fall, those ideals gave way to 
a policy of friendship with France and laissez faire 
in domestic concerns, and it is only possible to con- 
jecture the course which Austrian history would 
have pursued if Stadion had remained at the helm 
of government, and if his policy had not been re- 
placed by the so-called Metternich System. 



CHAPTER V 

THE MARRIAGE ALLIANCE 

The results of the Treaty of Vienna — Metternich's assumption 
of ofi&ce ushers in a period of reconciliation between Austria and 
France — ProbabiUty that Metternich had no definite poUcy of 
friendship with France, but merely wished to gain time for Austria 
to recuperate — The origin and authorship of the Marriage AUiance 
with France — The advantages accruing to Austria from the 
marriage — Metternich justified in advocating it — He takes up his 
residence for a second time in Paris with the object of learning 
Napoleon's intentions — His satisfaction with Napoleon's treatment 
of Marie Louise — He obtains some reduction in the harsh terms 
of the Treaty of Vienna — He enters with avidity into the gaieties of 
Versailles — Description of a typical fete given by the Austrian 
Ambassador — The veil is hfted from Napoleon's designs and 
Metternich learns that he is bent on the humiliation of Russia — 
He returns to Vienna and lays before Francis the result of his 
observations in France — He is nominated Curator of the Academy 
of Fine Arts — Reflections on his employment of social distinc- 
tions for poUtical ends 

THE terms of the Treaty of Vienna reduced Austria 
to the position of a second-rate power. In 
addition to huge territorial losses, the war indemnity 
of twelve million francs imposed by Napoleon was 
alone sufficient to cripple her resources for a con- 
siderable period. The French " Moniteur " grimly 
announced that the House of Hapsburg had " ceased 
to exist." 

Consequently there is little doubt that although 
Metternich's promotion to supreme office was partly 
the outcome of Court jntrigues against Stadion, it 

66 



THE MARRIAGE ALLIANCE 67 

was also due to a feeling that a sop of some sort 
must be thrown to France. Napoleon was known 
to have a favourable opinion of him, and was less 
likely to complete the destruction of Austria if 
a man whom he personally liked controlled her 
destinies. 

At any rate, from the period of Metternich's assump- 
tion of office, a distinct change took place in Austrian 
policy. From 1809 to 1814 she became outwardly 
and ostensibly the friend of France. Metternich 
threw over the Partiotic party, and the man who 
had, when Ambassador at Paris, been foremost in the 
support of Stadion and the advocate of war to the 
death, became seemingly the servile partisan of 
France. It was not heroic, it was to a certain extent 
in opposition to the real views of Francis ; but it was 
essentially prudent. Moreover, from 1809 Austria 
ceased to seek expansion in the West. The West, 
it almost seemed, belonged and would continue to 
belong to Napoleon. There must be no clashing with 
Napoleonic interests in view of Austria's present 
condition. Therefore she must turn to the East and 
South, to anarchic Poland, to the ever moribund 
Turk, to Italy, traditional goal of Hapsburg aims. 
And this policy has lasted to the present day. 

But Metternich had no idea of forming a policy or 
developing a system. What he really did was to 
return to his old game of waiting and watching, which 
he had practised so successfully at Paris. Practically 
this amounted to the re-organization of Austria's 
resources, and the conciliation of Napoleon by every 
possible means. The first aim involved domestic 
politics, over which Francis liked to exercise personal 



m METTERNICH 

control. Now the Emperor hated all change, and 
in consequence Mettemich, although not imaware 
that there was great need of reform in Austria, bowed 
to his will. " Social questions, therefore," he after- 
wards wrote, " I placed in the background, but in the 
very first rank I placed the preservation of what 
remained of the Austrian Empire." Even the work 
of re-organization, and such small reforms as were 
executed, were confided to able subordinates, in the 
choice of which the new Minister was always an adept. 
But on the foreign policy of Austria he kept a firm 
grip, and while outwardly professing friendship for 
Napoleon he looked confidently forward to a day of 
retribution. 

The re-organization of the Army was entrusted to 
Count Bellegarde, " who knew as well as I did," 
Mettemich enigmatically remarked, " the value of 
letting men talk." The finances were entrusted to 
Count WaUis, an admirable selection. Nevertheless, 
Mettemich at first opposed the latter's suggested 
reforms, characteristically veering round to cordial 
co-operation when he found they were popular. 
When we remember Mettemich's youth, the circum- 
stances of his early summons to high office, and the fact 
that he was practically born into a diplomatic career, 
to assure him which his parents had almost ruined 
themselves, we cannot blame his habitual inclination 
to trim. The retention of office was essential to his 
existence, and for this it was imperative to keep on 
good terms with Francis. 

As years went on, Mettemich became so wedded 
to power that he began to think himself essential to 
his country and grew to imagine, without exaggeration, 



THE MARRIAGE ALLIANCE 69 

that any policy which suited himself also suited the 
needs of the Austrian Empire. 

Napoleon was at this time engaged in a quarrel with 
the Papacy, in which Metternich supported him. Count 
Otto, the French Ambassador at Vienna, was com- 
pletely hoodwinked. He explained to his Government 
that any apparent display of ill-will towards France 
on the part of the Austrian Minister must be put 
down to the exigencies of policy and not to conviction, 
and when Champagny suggested that in view of the 
crippled state of his finances Metternich might be open 
to a bribe, Otto answered that it would merely be 
waste of money, since Metternich was already quite 
committed to the views of the French Government, 

The first tangible result of Metternich's return to 
apparent support of the Napoleonic system was the 
Austrian Marriage Alliance with France. Metternich's 
version of how it came about is as follows. There 
had long been rumours of Napoleon's desire to marry 
an Austrian archduchess. It fitted in with his 
poUcy of imparting as much as possible of the tradi- 
tion of old European dynasties to his upstart title, 
and also of maintaining a good understanding with 
Austria. But these rumours had hitherto not been 
regarded seriously, and, indeed, attempts of Napoleon 
to secure the hand of a Russian princess had for a 
time alarmed the Court of Vienna. 

Towards the end of the year 1809, however, at a 
masked ball given by the Archchancellor, Cambaceres, 
Napoleon asked Madame Metternich, who had re- 
mained in Paris after Metternich's departure, whether 
she considered that the Archduchess Marie Louise 
would accept him as her husband. She very properly 



70 METTERNICH 

told him that the correct person to approach on 
the subject was Prince Schwarzenberg,^ the Austrian 
Ambassador, to whom she afterwards reported the 
conversation. On the following morning, Prince 
Eugene, Viceroy of Italy, called on the Austrian 
Ambassador and made a definite offer of marriage on 
Napoleon's behalf. Schwarzenberg referred the 
matter to Vienna, and Metternich on receiving the 
despatch went at once to the Emperor Francis and 
expressed the opinion that an immediate decision 
should be come to. 

But who was to take the responsibility ? Metter- 
nich discreetly refused to give advice. It was one 
of those cases, he pleaded, where one man could not 
put himself in another's place. Francis, never prone 
to lightning decision, said that it was obviously 
for his daughter to make up her mind. But when 
Metternich was sent to interview her, Marie Louise 
promptly placed herself in the hands of her father. 
If the interests of Austria required it, she was willing 
to be sacrificed. 

This is Mettemich's version of how the marriage 
came about, ascribing the initiative to Napoleon. 
But, very characteristically, in another portion of 
his Memoirs he credits himself with the original 
suggestion of the marriage, while in yet another he 
maintains a discreet silence as to the authorship. 

Probably he was not the original author,^ but 
eagerly fell in with the suggestion when mooted as a 

^ In this and succeeding chapters Prince Felix Schwarzenberg, 
the diplomatist, must not be confused with Prince Charles 
Schwarzenberg, the Austrian General. 

" DemeUsch, " Metternich und seine auswartige Politik," Bk. ii. 
vol. i. p. IS3- 



THE MARRIAGE ALLIANCE 71 

means of preventing Napoleon's marriage with a 
Russian princess and furthering his new poUcy of 
friendship with France. It is certain that the Countess 
of Metternich used her residence in Paris as a means 
of materially aiding the negotiations, and that it 
required all her father's powers of persuasion to 
induce Marie Louise to consent to marriage with a 
man whose very name she loathed. Still, as Metter- 
nich candidly remarked, " Our princesses are not 
accustomed to choose their own husbands according 
to the promptings of their hearts." 

On the evening of the day on which the Archduchess 
signified her assent, Gluck's " Iphigenie in Taurus " 
was by a coincidence being acted at the theatre,^ 
The marriage was celebrated by proxy at Vienna on 
March nth, 1810. 

The Marriage Alliance has often been cited as an 
instance of the disastrous consequences of Metternich's 
policy of conciliating France. Certainly if we con- 
demn it, we condemn the whole of Austrian policy 
between 1809 and 1814. Without doubt it was a 
humiliation to the pride of the Hapsburgs that a 
daughter of the house should wed the Corsican up- 
start, and it may well be argued that Francis and 
Metternich were disappointed in their hopes that 
the marriage would inaugurate a long period of peace 
with France. Nor was it creditable that the Princess 
should have been cast as a scapegoat into the wilder- 
ness of revolution, chained to that incarnation of 
unscrupulous ambition which had ruined the Austrian 
nation. 

But the condition of Austria after 1809 was such 

^ " Imperial Vienna," A. S. Levetus, p. 124. 



72 METTERNICH 

that she must accept and not dictate the terms upon 
which good relations with France were to be restored. 
As Lady Castlereagh remarked, " it was necessary to 
deliver a daughter of the House of Austria to satisfy 
the Minotaur." Yet the sacrifice was not so terrible 
as it has been pictured. Napoleon behaved well to 
his new wife and gave her ever5rthing which she asked 
for. Metternich found that Marie Louise was well 
able to take care of herself, and she said of Napoleon, 
"he is more afraid of me than I am of him." More- 
over, the marriage had just the effect which Metternich 
had expected. Whatever his personal feelings to- 
wards Napoleon may have been, he was not genuinely 
attached to Napoleonic policy. It was only present 
necessity which forced him to bow to French supremacy 
and court the power which he secretly longed to 
abase. The marriage was not the beginning of a 
system, but a temporary political move ; perhaps 
a leap in the dark, but none the less beneficial to 
Austria. For it aided Metternich in playing his 
waiting game. Napoleon reaUy believed — this is 
proved over and over again amidst the tangled 
diplomacy that enveloped the Russian expedition 
and the War of Liberation — that Austria was now 
committed to friendship for France and that nothing 
would induce her to sever it. Thus he maintained 
peace in spite of provocations which would otherwise 
have driven him to vengeance, and gave Metternich 
time to weave the web which was ultimately destined 
to encircle him. The marriage of Marie Louise was 
no cowardly surrender to Napoleonic ambition. The 
Archduchess was the pawn whose shifting started 
the long and deadly game in which Metternich schemed, 



THE MARRIAGE ALLIANCE 78 

upon the chessboard of Europe, to checkmate 
Napoleon. 

The history of the relations of Austria and France 
from the Marriage Alliance to the battle of Leipsic, 
if read aright, forms an enthralling drama, in which 
Napoleon became slowly but surely entangled in the 
toils of Austrian diplomacy, to be mercilessly over- 
whelmed when all the forces for his destruction had 
been marshalled. 

Metternich, as well as Marie Louise, was bound for 
Paris. Indeed, he started almost simultaneously 
with the new Empress of the French and overtook 
her at Strasburg. The Countess of Metternich, as 
has been mentioned, had been residing in Paris 
during her husband's absence in a house in the 
Chaussee d'Antin. Here Metternich now took up 
his quarters. Napoleon, who gave him a hearty 
welcome, had placed Marshal Ney's house at his 
disposal, servants and all, but Metternich was un- 
willing to burden the French Court with unnecessary 
expense. 

It was not merely in order to be with his wife that 
Metternich had come to Paris. In reply to a report 
which Metternich had sent him on his first arrival on 
French soil, Francis had written : " Placing the 
fullest confidence in your personality, I have com- 
missioned you to proceed to Paris in order to act for 
the good of my Monarchy. I therefore impose on 
you the duty of doing your utmost in our interests 
and of endeavouring to obtain for us the greatest 
possible advantages. . . ." 

In fact, Metternich's aims were principally three. 
First, he wanted to observe on the spot the effect 



74 METTERNICH 

of Napoleon's marriage. Here his most sanguine 
hopes were exceeded. On March 29th, in a letter 
from Compiegne, where the French Court was residing, 
to Francis he wrote of Marie Louise : " The Emperor, 
I assure you, is almost entirely taken up with her ; 
he pays her the most assiduous attentions," and 
later, in April, " He is so evidently in love with her 
that he cannot conceal his feelings, and all his 
customary ways of life are subordinated to her wishes." 
" Impress upon the Emperor," Napoleon once said 
to Mettemich, " that his daughter is the most precious 
gift he could have bestowed upon me." 

In September 1810, Metternich returned to Vienna, 
but was back in Paris when, on March loth, 1811, 
Marie Louise bore Napoleon a son. At the ensuing 
banquet he raised his glass, and prophetically drank 
to the health of the King of Rome. The birth of a 
son served to increase Napoleon's regard for his wife 
and her popularity with the French nation, and 
Metternich complacently reflected how greatly her 
influence over the French Emperor might be turned 
to the benefit of Austria. 

It is melancholy to reflect on the sordid ending to 
Marie Louise's season of wedded bliss with Napoleon. 
Her misfortune was that, though amiable and pretty, 
she was a heartless, colourless woman, and on the 
whole deserved the remark that she was neither 
daughter, nor mother, nor wife. 

The second object of Metternich's visit to Paris 
was to induce Napoleon to modify the terms of the 
Treaty of Vienna in Austria's favour. He felt that 
Napoleon's personal regard for him would aid him 
in this attempt, and lost no opportunity of humouring 



THE MARRIAGE ALLIANCE 75 

him, notably in regard to the question of the Holy See. 
Pius VII., furious because Napoleon had incorporated 
the States of the Church with the French Empire and 
declared Rome an Imperial and Free City, had ex- 
communicated Napoleon, and was now, in consequence, 
a prisoner at Savona. Metternich spared no effort 
to induce the Pope to bow to Napoleon's will, but 
found it impossible to reconcile the contending parties. 

Still his conciliatory attitude bore fruit. He did 
not achieve much reduction of the terms of the Treaty 
of Vienna. But Napoleon allowed one important 
concession. Austria was permitted to pay the war- 
indemnity in monthly instalments, no small boon 
considering the state of her finances. Also, Napoleon 
gave Metternich every assistance in raising a loan 
in France to facilitate the payment of the indemnity. 
Other matters adjusted at this period were the regula- 
tion of trade in lUyria and North Italy and the 
questions arising from the recent large confiscation 
of German territory. In connection with the latter. 
Napoleon showed his appreciation of Metternich by 
restoring to the Metternich family their ancient 
possessions on the Rhine, which had been forfeited 
after the war of 1805. 

But Metternich had still another object in view 
when he came to Paris. Although he hoped and 
believed that Napoleon was now bound to Austria 
by such intimate ties as would assure a period of 
peace, he wished to discover what were Napoleon's 
intentions for the future, more especially in regard 
to Russia. On arriving in Paris, he frankly acknow- 
ledged that he wished to obtain some guiding prin- 
ciples for the conduct of Austrian foreign politics. 



76 METTERNICH 

Napoleon replied that if he waited he would gain 
the information required. 

So Metternich waited, and in the meantime threw 
himself with zest into the gaieties of Versailles. It 
was at this time that there occurred the fatal fire 
during a fete given in honour of Napoleon and the 
Empress Marie Louise by Prince Schwarzenberg, 
which Metternich graphically describes in his Memoirs. 
The entertainment had been on a magnificent scale. 
Fanfares announced the arrival of their Majesties, 
who proceeded at once to make a tour of the gardens. 
The first object which met their gaze was a temple of 
Apollo, round which sang women dressed as Muses. 
During the royal progress strains of music continually 
issued from subterranean grottoes and from arbours 
formed of vines. Soon a Temple of Fame came into 
view, surrounded by figures appropriately represent- 
ing Victory, Clio, and Fame herself. Again the 
trumpets blared, while tripods placed here and there 
exhaled incense and rare perfumes. 

Then came the grand spectacle. It consisted of a 
play performed round a mimic castle, followed by a 
mimic fire, which swiftly enveloped and consumed 
the stately edifice of a day. After the assembled 
guests had refreshed themselves with ices, the baU 
commenced. The scene was brilliant and impressive ; 
the ballroom held upwards of twelve hundred guests, 
and Napoleon had ordered aU those who possessed 
Austrian orders to wear them. Before the commence- 
ment of general dancing, a ballet was performed 
before the Emperor and Marie Louise, and it was soon 
after this that the tragedy commenced. 

A garland in the gallery caught fire ; the flames 



THE MARRIAGE ALLIANCE 77 

spread to the draperies, and soon the whole ballroom 
was ablaze. A horrible panic ensued ; the usual 
rush towards every available exit resulted in fatal 
confusion. Twenty persons, including Schwarzen- 
berg's daughter, perished ; many were crushed or 
otherwise injured. Metternich was present through- 
out, and testifies to the splendid behaviour of Napoleon. 
At the first outbreak, he conducted Marie Louise to 
the Imperial coach, but immediately returned and 
occupied himself with superintending the attempts 
to extinguish the flames. He gave his orders with 
great precision and celerity and showed throughout 
resource and presence of mind. 

During his stay in Paris, Metternich was gratified 
to observe the popularity of the new Empress. 
Everywhere she was received with enthusiasm, 
and when she accompanied Napoleon in a tour 
round the Northern districts of France, Metternich, 
who had been invited to join the party, noticed 
the warm welcome accorded her by all classes. 
Napoleon allowed Metternich every facility for con- 
versing with Marie Louise, and even encouraged 
her to ask the Austrian Minister's advice upon every 
point which troubled her. 

Yet Metternich remained for many months un- 
enlightened as to Napoleon's intentions for the future, 
and, whilst this was so, the main object of his visit 
was unfulfilled. He had, indeed, many conversations 
with Napoleon, in one of which the Emperor admitted 
that if Austria had resumed hostilities after Wagram 
he would have been undone. 

But it was not until September, after he had been 
six months in France, that Metternich received any 



78 METTERNICH 

hint of Napoleon's intentions. Then the veil was 
lifted. The occasion was the selection of Marshal 
Bernadotte for the throne of Sweden. In an inter- 
view which Metternich had with Napoleon immedi- 
ately afterwards, the latter admitted that this was 
a blow aimed at Russia. " I consider the Swedish 
affair as a more or less distant motive for war with 
Russia." Napoleon at the same time suggested that 
Austria should exchange part of her territory in 
Gahcia for an equal portion of the Illyxian provinces, 
desiring, at the same time, that the whole of the 
conversation should be kept a secret between Metter- 
nich and the Austrian Emperor. 

Metternich had now obtained the required informa- 
tion. He knew for certain that Napoleon was bent 
on the humiliation of Russia, an event which he 
contemplated with secret and malicious joy.^ It 
was time for him to return to Vienna. In a farewell 
audience with Napoleon on September 14th, he 
obtained the revocation of the secret article of the 
Treaty of Vienna, which had limited Austrian arma- 
ments to one hundred and fifty thousand men. Then, 
leaving St Cloud, he travelled to Vienna, and after 
a short sojourn there rejoined the Emperor Francis 
at Gratz. During Metternich's absence at Paris, his 
father had presided over the Ministry for Foreign 
Affairs. Old Prince Metternich had always had 
French leanings. He was a great upholder of tradi- 
tion, and it was the traditional policy of Austria to 
side with France. He accordingly opened negotia- 
tions with Count Otto, the French Ambassador, 

* Demelisch, " Metternich und seine auswartige Politik," vol. i. 
p. 414. 



THE MARRIAGE ALLIANCE 79 

which, without actually reaching any definite con- 
clusion — Francis' pride had been too much stung by 
the humiliation of 1809 for that — yet tended to pro- 
mote closer relations between the two governments. 

On his return, Metternich laid before Francis the 
information which he had gathered during his residence 
in France, and even professes, in his Memoirs, ac- 
curately to have prophesied the course of the war 
which Napoleon subsequently waged with Russia. 
The truth of his predictions as to the imminence of 
war was substantiated by the fact that, during his 
absence in Paris, the Czar had sent his adjutant to 
Vienna to propose an Austro-Russian alliance in the 
event of a war with France arising from the Swedish 
succession question. The Austrian Government had 
refused the overture. Metternich, indeed, professed 
to solicit the good offices of Prussia and pointed out 
to the Berlin Government that a Franco-Russian War 
would, by weakening both the combatants, promote 
the cause of European liberty. 

It was at this period that Metternich was nominated 
Curator of the Academy of Fine Arts, " an unexpected 
and honourable appointment," He characteristically 
determined to enhance the dignity of the office by 
infusing fresh strength into the old Statutes and by 
increasing the outward effect by the reception of 
foreign notabilities and the election of honorary 
members. It seems, indeed, to have been part of 
Metternich's policy to become identified with such 
associations with a view to obtaining a voice in and 
a knowledge of every phase of Austrian life, for he 
also obtained the Curatorship of the Architects' 
Association, and, later on, became Chancellor of the 



80 METTERNICH 

Order of Maria Theresa, in order to increase his 
influence in army questions. 

Metternich was no " snob." Like Francis, he 
never loved ceremony for its own sake, and in the 
choice of instruments he constantly deprecated 
courtiers being appointed to posts merely because 
they were courtiers. But he was never loth to secure 
a distinction for himself when he felt it would serve 
a political turn. This is illustrated by a curious 
letter which he wrote in 1813 just after the battle of 
Leipsic, requesting Hudelist to try and arrange for 
the Freedom of Vienna to be offered to Metternich 
and Schwarzenberg, the Commander of the Austrian 
forces which had helped to defeat Napoleon. 
" Anything out of the common," said he, " has a good 
effect. The Salvata of Vienna is worth something. 
Try and bring it about sub rosa." 



CHAPTER VI 

THE DRESDEN INTERVIEW 

Napoleon's invasion of Russia places Austria in an awkward 
dilemma — That she is able to maintain neutrality is largely due 
to Metternich — Metternich accompanies the Emperor Francis to 
Dresden for an interview with Napoleon — He discusses with 
Napoleon the prospects of the Russian undertaking. He con- 
tinually negotiates with the enemies of France in Europe — 
Napoleon's conviction that Austria would remain faithful to his 
cause — Metternich contrives to ensure the safety of the Austrian 
contingent serving with the Grand Army by a secret arrangement 
with Russia — The arrival of Narbonne as French envoy at Vienna 
causes Metternich some harassing moments — Napoleon's suspicions 
are gradually awakened — The defeat of the Allies at Bautzen in- 
duces Metternich to decide on war as soon as the Austrian prepara- 
tions are complete — Metternich accompanies the Emperor Francis 
to Gitschin in order to be in touch with the Russian headquarters — 
The signing of the Armistice of Pleiswitz virtually seals Napoleon's 
fate — Metternich interviews the Czar at Opocno — He returns to 
Dresden, where he has his famous interview with Napoleon in the 
Marcolini Palace — He secures a prolongation of the armistice — 
After some ineffective negotiations, Austria throws in her lot with 
the AlUes, and declares War on Napoleon 

ALL history has not recorded so strange a 
political situation, and it probably never will 
record a second of the same kind." Such was Metter- 
nich's comment on the state of European politics 
during Napoleon's invasion of Russia. 

The blow had soon fallen, as Metternich had fore- 
told ; and by the end of 1811 Napoleon had established 
his base at Danzig preparatory to entering the heart 
of Russia. 

6 81 



82 METTERNICH 

What course, then, was Austria to pursue ? It 
seemed impossible that she could avoid declaring 
for one side or the other. The troops of the States 
comprising the Confederation of the Rhine had joined 
the Grand Army, and Napoleon lost no time in 
acquainting the Courts of Austria and Prussia with 
his intention of invading Russia, and in demanding 
their support. Prussia at once acquiesced, and it 
seemed that Austria must perforce do the same. 
For Austria had refused to form an alliance with 
Russia ; her Sovereign was bound to Napoleon by 
the closest family ties ; she was, moreover, isolated 
in Europe. 

That she was eventually able to adopt the pose of 
Armed Neutrality was to a great extent due to Metter- 
nich's excellent personal relations with both the Czar 
and Napoleon. For Napoleon, as Mettemich guessed, 
merely wanted some guarantee that Austria would 
not take up arms against him, while Russia recognized 
that Austria only refrained from joining her against 
France through a sense of weakness. Consequently, 
Metternich was able on March 14th, 181 2, to sign a 
Treaty with France by which Austria agreed to 
furnish an Auxiliary Corps of thirty thousand troops 
for the Russian War, receiving in exchange a guarantee 
of integrity and a promise that, in the event of a 
reconstitution of Poland, she should recover Illyria 
or at any rate a large portion of it. Metternich 
wisely stipulated that the Treaty should be kept 
secret as long as possible.^ 

For the moment the danger that Austria would be 

1 Demelisch, " Metternich und seine auswartige Politik," vol. i. 
p. 518. 



THE DRESDEN INTERVIEW 83 

forced openly to declare herself was staved off. There 
was, indeed, some unpleasantness over the selection 
of a Commander for the Auxiliary Force. Napoleon 
asked and Metternich suggested that the post should 
be offered to the Archduke Charles ; but the Arch- 
duke, who, since Wagram, had been on the reverse of 
friendly terms with his brother the Emperor Francis, 
refused the proffered honour. Prince Schwarzenberg 
was eventually selected in his place. 

In May, Napoleon went to Dresden to receive the 
vassal sovereigns before his departure to join the 
army. The Emperor Francis and his consort were 
accompanied thither by Metternich, who found the 
universal opinion was that Napoleon was certain to 
succeed in his Russian enterprise. 

This visit gave Metternich an opportunity of renew- 
ing his former friendly intercourse with Napoleon. 
Their conversations chiefly turned on the prospects 
of the Russian campaign and the internal government 
of France. As to the former, Metternich found that 
Napoleon did not underrate the gravity of the under- 
taking. He affirmed that Patience would win the 
day. If Russia offered a stout resistance, he would 
establish himself gradually in the heart of the country, 
until the Russians grew tired of unwillingly supporting 
so vast a host free of charge. 

As to France, Napoleon aired his views as to the 
best method of governing it. It was, he said, less 
fitted for representative government than other 
countries. Talent was common enough, but there 
was little character and less principle among the 
majority of Frenchmen. He admitted that he had 
stifled the Corps Legislatif, but that was because they 



84 METTERNICH 

showed a revolutionary spirit. He was not desirous 
of absolute power, but he wanted more than the mere 
form of power. His aim was to organise the State, 
so that there should be " no more tattlers, no ideologues, 
no false tinsel," When Metternich enquired why 
he had not carried out this aim, Napoleon replied that 
war came first and must be brought to a conclusion 
before domestic reform could be taken in hand. That 
conclusion was never reached. 

All this time, and while Napoleon was actually 
carr3dng out his invasion of Russia, Metternich never 
ceased his endeavours to strengthen the bonds between 
Austria and Prussia. Whatever the issue of the 
struggle, he felt that the fate of Europe must lie in 
the hands of those two countries. But his aim was 
to keep the forces of Austria intact, and for this 
reason he steadfastly resisted Stein's persistent en- 
treaties that Austria should immediately join Prussia 
in taking up arms against Napoleon. It was a policy 
not of inclination but of self-preservation. As Metter- 
nich wrote to Hudelist soon after the visit to Dresden, 
" I am daily more convinced that no other line of 
action can be pursued, short of taking the direct 
road to ruin." ^ 

The stubborn resistance of Russia took Europe 
and Metternich by surprise. The disastrous retreat 
of Napoleon dumbfounded them. Metternich even 
then could not bring himself to believe that Napoleon's 
power was shattered. True, he had been continually 
negotiating with the enemies of France. At the 
beginning of 1812 he had told the Russian ambassador 
that Austria was only waiting to join Russia until 

1 Letter to Hudelist written from Prague, June 6th, 1812. 



THE DRESDEN INTERVIEW 85 

her preparations were complete. In May he ap- 
proached Hardenberg with regard to co-operation 
with Prussia. By November negotiations were on 
foot with the British Cabinet. Still, he refused 
actually to join Russia or Prussia. But he was un- 
willing that the Austrian Auxiliary Corps should 
suffer loss in protecting the French retreat, and 
ordered Schwarzenberg to retire upon Galicia, if 
possible, without fighting. 

The policy which Austria was now to pursue needed 
very delicate handling. Metternich must wait until 
the Powers were compelled to accept Austria's inter- 
vention as arbiter or at any rate to recognise her 
pre-eminence in return for her active support. 
Napoleon must at the same time be wheedled into 
the belief that Francis would, never turn against his 
son-in-law, and that Austria, under no circumstances, 
would ever desert France. This selfish but practical 
policy ultimately ensured the downfall of Napoleon, 
and Metternich manipulated its details with Machia- 
vellian cunning. 

In January 1813, Count Bubna was sent to Paris 
to assure Napoleon that Austria was faithful to his 
cause, but at the same time to urge upon him a policy 
of peace. Austria would be willing to mediate. 

But Napoleon proved himself absolutely convinced 
of the friendship of Austria in any emergency. He 
adopted a high tone. He was quite willing for Austria 
to mediate, but he would impose the peace conditions, 
and would not be dictated to by anybody. " I 
accepted your intervention for peace," he complained 
to Bubna, " but an armed mediator does not suit me." 
Austria must abide by the terms granted her after 



86 METTERNICH 

Wagram, Russia by those arranged at Tilsit. Yet 
as a concession to Hapsburg pride, the Emperor's 
little grandson should be crowned King of Rome, 
and, in the event of Napoleon's death, Marie Louise 
should become Regent of France. 

Napoleon's haughty attitude, which presumed on 
the unshakeable fidelity of Austria, made it harder 
than ever for Mettemich to restrain the warlike 
element in Austria. Indeed Metternich himself seems 
to have wished to declare war at once, but was re- 
strained by the cautious Francis. At any rate he 
wrote to Stadion in June 1813, " As for me, I would 
have struck long since, but the Emperor is more 
unwilling than ever." 

Prussia had already declared war ; the King of 
Saxony had retired to Bavaria, to avoid the bellicose 
patriotism of his subjects ; the German portion of the 
Austrian Empire clamoured vehemently for war. 
Still the Austrian Government refused to commit 
itself. Metternich kept holding conferences with 
Otto, the French Minister at Vienna, with a view 
to obtaining some advantages for Austria in case of 
peace. But he would not go beyond tentative 
negotiations. Austria might come to terms, if 
Spain were restored to the Bourbons, if the Hanseatic 
Towns were given back to Germany, if the Confedera- 
tion of the Rhine were suppressed, if the Grand Duchy 
of Warsaw were partitioned between Austria, France 
and Russia, if lUyria were restored to her, and if the 
River Inn was again constituted the border between 
Italy and Austria. But there was always an " if." 

In view, however, of Napoleon's haughty reply to 
Count Bubna's mission, Metternich proceeded to 



THE DRESDEN INTERVIEW 87 

offer Austria's mediation to the allied Powers. He 
was received with rebuffs by all. Castlereagh, on 
behalf of Great Britain, said that he was convinced 
that Napoleon would accept no reasonable terms. 
The Russian diplomatists remarked that Austria 
herself would soon realise the impossibility of treating 
with Napoleon. 

Metternich sent copies of these answers, through 
Schwarzenberg, Austrian ambassador at Paris, to 
Napoleon, in order that he might see that he was the 
obstacle to peace and be induced to give some more 
explicit indication of what terms he would accept. 
But Napoleon was still under the firm delusion that 
Austria was his unswerving friend. He replaced 
Otto by M. de Narbonne, and instructed his new 
representative to urge Austria to march 100,000 
men into Silesia and take the Allies in flank, while 
Napoleon himself attacked them in front. Thus, in 
Napoleon's opinion, the war would soon be concluded. 
For her exertions, Austria should receive Silesia, 
lUyria, and part of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw. 

It was evident that Napoleon was convinced that 
Austria would ulimately join him. Schwarzenberg, 
accordingly, who had no intention of going out of 
his way to undeceive him, gave up his attempts to 
induce Napoleon to accept Austrian mediation. 

On April 13th Napoleon set out to join his army, 
little knowing that his course of political ascendency 
was well-nigh run. Metternich' s task was clear, but 
must still be handled delicately. He continued to 
assert that Austria was prepared to mediate ; at the 
same time he mobilised the troops which NapoleoiT 
had demanded, though he had no intention of employ- 



88 METTERNICH 

ing them to aid Napoleon. It was, moreover, necessary 
to strengthen Austria's position of neutraUty. Metter- 
nich accordingly tried to form a sort of neutral league 
of the Princes of the Rhine Confederation. This was 
not a success. He won over the King of Saxony for 
a time, but Wurtemberg, as well as Bavaria, which 
had gained much from her alliance with France, 
held aloof. 

To provide for the safety of the Austrian contingent 
promised to Napoleon by the terms of Schwarzen- 
berg's Treaty, Metternich engineered the Treaty 
of Kalisch with Russia. The Russian Government 
agreed to connive in a military farce, wherein the 
Austrian troops were slowly to retire into Galicia, 
apparently pressed back by superior numbers. There 
still remained to be dealt with a Franco-Polish Corps 
under Poniatowski, which Napoleon had left in 
Upper Silesia to watch the movements of the Austrians. 
It was arranged that this force was to be brought back 
by the Austrians in their retreat, and ultimately to be 
disarmed by the King of Saxony in his opportune 
capacity of Grand Duke of Warsaw. The inactivity 
of the Auxiliary Corps had already been ensured by 
the dispatch of its Commander, Schwarzenberg, on 
a mission to Napoleon at Paris — a delicate compli- 
ment, as Metternich humorously put it, to the latter, 
and " before all Europe a striking example of the 
attitude of Austria, since the Commander of the 
Auxiliary Corps would appear before his chief to 
receive his orders in person." 

The arrival of the new French envoy, M. de Nar- 
bonne, gave Metternich an uncomfortable reminder 
that he was playing a dangerous game. Otto had 



^ 



THE DRESDEN INTERVIEW 89 

been credulous and easy to satisfy. But this M. de 
Narbonne was a most inquisitive person. He was 
not to be taken in, and possessed a bluntness of speech 
which was not wholly beneficial to French interests. 
He saw at once that Napoleon was being duped by 
Austria, 

Narbonne's instructions were to propose that 
Austria should act as mediator in the interest of 
France, and that if the Allies would not agree to 
reasonable terms she should at once pour 100,000 
men into Silesia. What terms Napoleon would 
propose Narbonne did not know. Metternich's 
dilemma was aggravated. Eventually he assented 
to Narbonne's proposals, chiefly to gain time ; it 
would be easy afterwards to refuse Napoleon's terms. 
But Narbonne was extremely suspicious, and imparted 
his suspicions to Napoleon. He also plied Metternich 
with a most embarrassing fire of questions. What 
would happen if Austria and France failed to agree 
as to the terms to be proposed to the Allies ? Metter- 
nich answered that he was sure Napoleon would be 
reasonable. But what if Napoleon were not reason- 
able ? Metternich could only answer that Austria 
as armed mediator would be found to uphold justice, 
but added that her prepossessions would be in favour 
of France ? Would Austria in certain eventualities 
oppose France ? That, Metternich hastened to reply, 
would be out of the question, for he was sure France 
would be reasonable. 

Metternich had to use every sort of subterfuge to 
evade this indomitable Frenchman. He must consult 
the Emperor Francis ; usually the Emperor would 
be too unwell or too busy to be consulted ; or Metter- 



90 METTERNICH 

nich himself would be too unwell or too busy to consult 
him. There was always some excuse for delay. The 
importunate Narbonne had many stormy interviews 
both with Mettemich and with Francis. Sometimes 
Metternich parried Narbonne's suspicions with an 
affectation of injured innocence, " I hope that the 
Emperor Napoleon," he wrote on May ist, " places 
some confidence in the man who has in great measure 
brought about the present relations between France 
and Austria. Is it in the nature of things that this 
man should in a moment betray his part as guarantor 
of the work of many years ? " Though Metternich 
refused to be drawn, Narbonne was now convinced 
of his double-dealing. His warnings at last had their 
effect upon Napoleon, who informed him that he saw 
through Austria's duplicity, but believed that one 
decisive victory would allay all cause for alarm. Yet 
as a matter of fact it was Napoleon's victories at 
Lutzen and Bautzen in May which induced Metternich 
to throw off the mask. 

Napoleon's disillusionment was further enhanced 
by Austria's attitude in the matter of the disarming 
of Poniatowski's Corps, which had been carried out, 
as arranged, by the King of Saxony, acting on Metter- 
nich's advice. Napoleon, of course, was furious, 
and forbade Poniatowski to surrender his arms, while 
Narbonne was ordered to obtain some satisfactory 
assurance from Metternich regarding Poniatowski's 
troops and the Austrian Auxiliary Corps, both of 
which, in Napoleon's eyes, formed part of the French 
army. Metternich speciously replied that Austria 
could not in reason fight and act as arbiter at the 
same time. 



-^^- 



THE DRESDEN INTERVIEW 91 

Then Narbonne re-opened his batteries of awk- 
ward interrogation. Did Austria still consider herself 
bound by the treaty of March 14th, 1812, or did she 
not ? Mettemich amiably put him off with the 
answer that it was impossible for Austria to fight 
Russia. Narbonne's next move was to deliver a 
note requiring Austria either to execute the treaty 
or deny its existence. He also obtained an interview 
with Francis. Nothing resulted, save that Mettemich 
agreed that Poniatowski's Corps should not be dis- 
armed while traversing Austrian territory. 

So negotiations dragged on and mutual suspicion 
increased. Napoleon steadfastly refused to allow the 
armed mediation of Austria, and Mettemich welcomed 
this refusal as affording him an excuse for not throwing 
Austria's lot in with France. 

If anything was required to turn Napoleon's sus- 
picions into certainty, it was provided by the capture 
at Dresden towards the end of May of a courier carry- 
ing dispatches from the Russian Minister at Vienna 
to the Russian Court, and the seizure by the French 
of some correspondence between the Austrian Govern- 
ment and the King of Saxony. Abundant evidence 
was afforded Napoleon of Mettemich's double dealing, 
and letters were disclosed from Mettemich to the 
AUies excusing Austria's delay in actively joining 
them. Napoleon now saw how he had been duped. 
Poor Narbonne, who had really carried out a very 
difficult task with credit, became the scapegoat. 
" The penetration of M. de Narbonne," said Napoleon 
afterwards, " was more injurious than serviceable to 
my interests." 

In the meantime, Napoleon determined to make 



92 METTERNICH 

advances to Russia that he might have a free hand to 
crush the German powers. Narbonne was ordered 
not to press Metternich any further, to disavow the 
treaty of March 14th, 1812, and to enlarge on the 
strength of the French resources. 

Napoleon's overtures to Russia thoroughly alarmed 
the Emperor Francis and Metternich, mindful of the 
results of Tilsit. They felt that the time was at hand 
when Austria must throw in her lot with the Allies ; 
and the trend of events increased that opinion. Count 
Bubna, who had been sent by the Austrian Govern- 
ment to re-open negotiations with Napoleon at 
Dresden, was coldly received, but the production 
of a letter from Francis enlarging on the marriage tie, 
which bound the two countries together, induced 
Napoleon to suggest a Congress at Prague with a view 
to a Treaty for the preservation of the general peace. 
Moreover, Bubna carried back with him a letter from 
Napoleon to Francis, affirming that he entrusted his 
honour to the safe-keeping of his father-in-law. 

The news of the defeat of the Allies at Bautzen and 
their retreat beyond the Oder induced Metternich, 
while keeping up Napoleon's delusion as long as 
possible, definitely to throw in his lot with the Allies, 
even though the Austrian preparations were not 
quite complete, and from this time his policy becomes 
more definite and straightforward. 

For some time the presence of Stadion and Gentz 
in the camp of the Allies had kept Metternich in 
touch with the views and movements of Russia and 
Prussia, and now, in order to facilitate communication 
with the Czar, he persuaded Francis to accompany him 
to the village of Gitschin in Bohemia, half-way between 



THE DRESDEN INTERVIEW 93 

Dresden and the Russian headquarters, whither they 
arrived on June 13th. The ever-inquisitive Narbonne 
was informed that the move was necessary for the 
better prosecution of Austria's mediation. 

On arriving at Gitschin, Metternich immediately 
sent to demand an interview with the Duke of Bassano 
on the pretext that Francis had agreed to Napoleon's 
proposals for mediation. But Napoleon had already 
sealed his own fate by signing, on June 4th, the armis- 
tice of Pleiswitz, whereby he sacrificed the advantage 
which he had gained by the victories of Lutzen and 
Bautzen, and gave a breathing space to the exhausted 
Allies. 

Metternich, learning that Napoleon had not reached 
Dresden and that consequently he could not hope for 
an answer to his message, hastened to Opocno, where 
Alexander had arranged to meet him. Alexander 
was accompanied by his sister, the Grandduchess 
Catherine, by Counts Nesselrode and Stadion and 
by Lebzeltern, who had been employed by Metternich 
in 1810 to attempt mediation between Napoleon and 
the Papacy. 

The first interview lasted two hours, and at this 
and subsequent meetings Metternich managed to 
regain the confidence of Alexander and to convince 
him of Austria's willingness to co-operate with the 
Allies. The final result was the Treaty of Reichenbach, 
signed on June 27th by Austria, Russia, and Prussia, 
with the obj ect of over-throwing the power of Napoleon. 
Metternich himself had quitted Opocno seven days 
before the treaty was actually signed. 

At Gitschin, whither he returned, he found awaiting 
him a letter from the Duke of Bassano pressing him 



94 METTERNICH 

earnestly to come to Dresden. Metternich accepted 
the invitation after informing the Allies that he had 
done so, but, nevertheless, hurried on the Austrian 
preparations for war. 

He reached Dresden on June 24th. Napoleon 
arrived on the following day. Then took place that 
famous interview in the Marcolini Palace between 
the French Emperor and the Austrian Chancellor, 
the descriptions of which vary according as the 
narrators are biassed by sentiments of friendship or 
hostility for Napoleon. To be brief. Napoleon up- 
braided Metternich with taking advantage of the 
difficulties of France to forward the aims of Austria, 
and his conversation consisted of " the oddest mixture 
of heterogeneous subjects, violent outbursts alternat- 
ing with friendliness." All the time he was striding 
up and down the map-room, where the greater part of 
the interview took place. Metternich remained quite 
calm and sought with soft words to turn away his 
wrath. For a time this only increased Napoleon's 
fury, and in the stress of his emotion his hat rolled 
on to the floor. Metternich made no attempt to 
pick it up. Yet at the end of this extraordinary 
interview, which lasted more than six hours ^ — 
an " unparalleled struggle " Metternich caUed it — 
Napoleon accepted the armed mediation of Austria 
and even embraced the Austrian representative. 
" TeU your mamma," wrote Metternich to his daughter 
Marie, " that I have returned from Dresden in a 
contented frame of mind . . . within a short time 
we shall have peace or else an appalling war." 

1 So Metternich states in a letter to his daughter Marie, written 
from Gitschin, July 2nd, 18 13. 



THE DRESDEN INTERVIEW 95 

The next few days, indeed, were perhaps the most 
critical in the careers of both Napoleon and Metternich. 
For the latter the situation was extremely delicate. 
Austrian preparations were not quite complete. 
Metternich had asked Schwarzenberg whether a 
prolongation of the armistice would be of advantage 
to the Allies, and if so, how long a prolongation would 
be required. Schwarzenberg had replied that in 
twenty days the army would be increased by 75,000 
men, and that, if the armistice were prolonged until 
then, that would be sufficient. It was, therefore, 
imperative that some scheme should be conceived 
whereby Austria should be enabled to strike at the 
opportune moment, and not a day sooner or later. 

For Napoleon the events and the decisions of the 
next few days meant success or failure. Could he 
trust Austria ? If so, delay might enable him to 
spare his buffeted hosts further hardships and gain 
an honourable peace. If not, then delay was fraught 
with destruction, and could only benefit the Allies. 

But the fates were against Napoleon. " I saw the 
decisive hour drawing near," he said afterwards at 
St Helena, " my star waned, and I felt the reins 
slipping from my hands." He determined to trust 
Austria, and was lost. Metternich was resolved at 
all hazards to obtain the extension of the armistice 
for which Schwarzenberg had asked. He gained it 
by imposing upon Napoleon with an unscrupulous 
cunning that makes one almost inclined to pity his 
dupe. On June 30th, just as Metternich was about 
to leave Dresden, he received a message from Napoleon 
asking for an interview. He accordingly proceeded 
to the French headquarters. He noticed that the 



96 METTERNICH 

French Marshals standing outside showed painful 
anxiety as to the result of the forthcoming interview. 
Berthier was especially concerned. It is evident that 
Napoleon wished to put Metternich to the test. He 
conducted him to his private room, and dismissing 
everyone except Bassano asked Metternich to name 
the conditions under which Austria would consent to 
mediate. Metternich enumerated four conditions. 
Napoleon must accept the armed mediation of Austria ; 
the plenipotentiaries of the Peace Congress were to 
meet at Prague on July loth ; the last day of the 
negotiations should be fixed as August loth, and until 
that date all hostilities must cease. It will be noticed 
that Metternich had in these terms provided for the 
extension of the Armistice for exactly those twenty 
days which Schwarzenberg had demanded. 

To Metternich's great amazement and equal satis- 
faction, Napoleon then and there accepted the proffered 
terms, " Never surely," wrote the Austrian Chan- 
cellor, " was so great a business settled in so short 
a time." Moreover, so genuinely desirous of peace 
was Napoleon that he even allowed provisions to be 
conveyed from Austria for the use of the Allied armies 
during the Armistice. Metternich guaranteed the 
prolongation on behalf of the Allied Monarchs. He 
also wrote to Francis to make sure that the Austrian 
Government would fight if their minimum conditions 
were refused by Napoleon ; he received a satisfactory 
answer. 

The net was now almost closed around Napoleon. It 
only remained to ensure the failure of the Congress 
of Prague. Delays occurred almost without pre- 
meditation. There were misunderstandings among 



THE DRESDEN INTERVIEW 97 

the allied Generals as to the date of the resumption 
of hostilities ; there were corresponding delays on 
the French side, and Napoleon, to use Metternich's 
phrase, struggled against all attempts at negotiation 
" like a devil in a vessel of holy water." ^ When the 
meeting actually took place, Metternich objected to 
the presence of the Duke of Vicenza, first French 
plenipotentiary, because his credentials had not 
arrived. While the Congress, and with it the destinies 
of Europe, waited upon the arrival of these missing 
credentials, Metternich put the finishing touches to 
his preparations. He even made out passports for 
M. de Narbonne, and completed the Emperor Francis' 
War Manifesto. The loth of August came, but not so 
the credentials of the Duke of Vicenza, The dramatic 
moment had arrived. At midnight Metternich caused 
the beacons to be kindled which announced to all the 
world that Austria had declared war. The period of 
dissimulation, of vacillating, of preparation, was over. 
The fate of Napoleon was sealed. 

1 Letter from Metternich to Stadion, Brandeis, July 2Sth, 1813. 



CHAPTER VII 

THE FALL OF NAPOLEON 

Metternich issues a Manifesto in the name of the Emperor Francis, 
justifying the conduct of Austria — Having once thrown in his lot 
with the Allies, Metternich pursues a vigorous policy — Delays caused 
by jealousies in the Allied Camp and by friction between the Czar 
and Metternich — Metternich's reflections on the motives respectively 
inspiring the troops of the Allied Powers — Negotiations are opened 
with Napoleon at Langres and continued at Chatillon — Their 
effect is merely to give the French armies a respite — The Allies 
advance on Paris — The Emperor Francis and Metternich remain at 
Dijon — Reasons which probably induced Metternich to absent 
himself from Paris when Napoleon's future was being discussed — 
Metternich reaches Paris in time to witness the entry of Louis 
XVIII. — And subsequently visits England with the Czar and the 
King of Prussia — Preparations for the Congress of Vienna — 
Magnificence of the festivities during the Congress — Which did not 
prevent the transaction of valuable work by a band of capable 
statesmen — Metternich's able subordinates — The problems confront- 
ing the Congress — Danger that the Polish and Saxon questions 
would lead to complications — Tendency of the Powers to spUt into 
two antagonistic groups — In Italy Metternich secures all the require- 
ments of Austria — And in Germany takes care that Liberal aspira- 
tions are disappointed — The escape of Napoleon from Elba falls 
like a bombshell on the Congress — And causes a hurried settlement 
of outstanding questions — Napoleon endeavours to sow dissension 
among the Allies — After the Battle of Waterloo, Metternich travels 
to Paris to assist in deciding upon the fate of Napoleon and France — 
The sovereigns shower upon him rewards in appreciation of his 
services to the Alhes. ( 

THE tortuous and shifty policy pursued by Metter- 
nich between 1809 and 1814 is reflected in the 
Manifesto inspired by him and issued in the name of 
Francis simultaneously with Austria's declaration of 
war. It asserted that Austria felt herself compelled 

98 



THE FALL OF NAPOLEON 99 

to fight for self-preservation and for the maintenance 
of the social system. She had no selfish aims. In 
spite of the severe blows dealt her by France in 1809 
she had made peace with Napoleon, hoping to exert 
upon him a beneficial influence. But this hope was 
shattered by Napoleon's designs on Russsia, and the 
Manifesto proceeded to offer a sort of apology for 
the part which Austria had played during the Russian 
war. Her object had been to instil Napoleon with 
peaceful inclinations by inaugurating a confederacy 
in Germany, which might form a nucleus of resistance 
to the overweening power of France. It is obvious 
that Metternich found it difficult to attribute to a 
lofty regard for the public good a policy which was 
essentially opportunist. The policy itself was more 
successful than Metternich's attempts to justify it. 

Whatever may be said of Metternich's policy before 
the Treaty of Reichenbach, now that he had put his 
hand to the plough there was no turning back. 
Austria was henceforth bent on breaking Napoleon's 
power. When the news came of the French defeats 
at Grossbeeren, Katzbach, and Kulm, Metternich 
wrote to Hudelist (August 31st, 1813) : " Now things 
are looking up since we have scored three victories 
against Napoleon, the results of which cannot be 
ultimately measured " ; and from this time Metternich 
broke off his secret negotiations with Napoleon. He 
expressed his joy at Napoleon's retreat to Leipsic to 
his daughter Marie in these words : " All proves that 
the hour has struck and that my mission, which is to 
put an end to so much evil, is supported by the decrees 
of Providence. I am certain that Napoleon thinks 
of me continually. I must seem to him a sort of 



100 METTERNICH 

conscience personified. I predicted everything to 
him at Dresden. He would not beUeve a word of 
it, and the Latin proverb ' Quos deus vult perdere 
dementat prius,' is again proved true " (October ist, 
1813, from Tephtz). Napoleon's disastrous defeat 
at Leipsic he regarded as a justification of his policy 
in the eyes of that party at Vienna which had always ^ 
been opposed to Austria's participation in the struggle, 
and he wrote to Hudelist (October 8th), " Now every- 
thing declares for the war, for myself, and for 
Schwarzenberg. ' ' 

It is, therefore, quite unjust to accuse Metternich of 
lukewarmness in regard to the expulsion of Napoleon 
from Germany. On the other hand, it is certain that 
neither he nor the Emperor Francis, who was anxious 
for the future of his daughter Marie Louise, wished 
to oust Napoleon altogether from the throne of France. 
Let Napoleon remain, so long as his wings were 
clipped, and Europe secured against further molesta- 
tion from France.^ Consequently Metternich was 
continually advising Napoleon to come to terms 
during the whole of the latter part of the campaign 
and always showed himself willing to negotiate. He 
was anxious to show that Austria would save her 
Emperor's son-in-law if he would be saved, and that 
if Austria could bring Napoleon to reason France 
need not even suffer invasion. This was the sense in 
which Metternich, on December ist, issued a Declara- 
tion of the Powers to the French people, assuring 
them that the AlUes were attacking not France but 
Napoleon — " the hardest bit of work I ever did in 
my life," he told Hudelist. 

^ Edward de Wertheimer, " Due de Reichstadt," p. 71. 



THE FALL OF NAPOLEON 101 

These views were not relished by the Czar, nor, 
whatever Frederick WilHam himself might secretly 
think, by the advisers of the King of Prussia. 
Indeed, throughout the whole of the campaign which 
began at the conclusion of the Congress of Prague 
and ended with the Peace of Paris, there was con- 
stant bickering amongst the Allies. The diplomatists 
were jealous of each other ; the Generals quarrelled — 
at Frankfurt Metternich had to act as peacemaker 
between Bliicher and Schwarzenberg — and, worst of 
all, the personal dislike of Alexander for Metternich, 
who, on his side feared Russian designs in Poland, 
was a constant thorn in the side of the Allies and 
of Castlereagh especially, who was continually acting 
as mediator between them. Castlereagh, on the 
whole, supported Metternich, who gratefully dubbed 
him an " upright and enlightened " man. 

Friction with Alexander began almost coincidently 
with the campaign. The Czar wished to place Moreau, 
who had just returned from America, in supreme 
command of the Allies. Metternich had an interview 
with Alexander at Altenburg, when he threatened 
that if Moreau were placed in command Austria 
would leave the Alliance. Two days afterwards 
Moreau was mortally wounded while standing beside 
Alexander, who, turning to Metternich, observed 
" God has uttered His judgment ; He was of your 
opinion." 

The success of the Allies only produced more 
bickering. The Czar supported the candidature of 
Stein for the post of administrator of the newly 
won German provinces. Metternich opposed the 
selection. When Napoleon was driven across the 



102 METTERNICH 

Rhine Metternich wished to negotiate. Alexander 
urged a vigorous offensive. 

Even when the invasion of France had been decided 
upon, Alexander continued to be troublesome. 
Schwarzenberg was anxious that the Allies should 
traverse Switzerland, thus violating its neutrality. 
It would save valuable time, and the Swiss were 
quite amenable to the course. But Alexander's 
conscience would not permit him at first to acquiesce 
in such a plan, and it was only after considerable 
trouble that Metternich was able to persuade him 
that Schwarzenberg's advice should be followed. 
Another whim of Alexander's delayed the passage 
over the Rhine by a few days, for the Czar was anxious 
that his guards should cross the river on the Greek 
New Year's Day. Nor, as will be seen, did the Czar's 
misunderstandings with Austria end here. 

The lamentable disunion of the Allies palsied the 
action of their troops, and since the diplomatists 
practically controlled the strategy, keen spirits, like 
Blucher, as well as the cautious Schwarzenberg, 
whose one aim seemed to be to avoid coming to close 
grips with Napoleon, were debarred from energetic 
action. In fact, no campaign in History provides 
so pitiable an example of the impossibility of conduct- 
ing a war through a " Debating Society." The 
misfortunes of his marshals, which made Napoleon 
exclaim, " If I am not there everything goes wrong," 
were counterbalanced by the lack of initiative dis- 
played by the Allies. 

As soon as the invasion of France had been agreed 
upon, it was decided, as a precautionary measure, to 
summon the King of Saxony, a partizan of Napoleon, 



THE FALL OF NAPOLEON 103 

to Berlin, and Metternich was sent to interview him 
in the name of the three AUied monarchs. While 
Metternich was awaiting the arrival of the King, the 
Queen of Saxony entered the room and to his great 
embarrassment began passionately to upbraid him 
for deserting Napoleon. Metternich parried the out- 
burst by quietly observing that his errand was not 
for the purpose of discussing with her such knotty 
questions of policy. 

Immediately afterwards the Austrian Chancellor 
joined the Allied monarchs and with them followed 
in the train of the Army of Invasion until the 
conclusion of the campaign. 

The long pause of the Allied forces after the battle 
of Leipsic and the failure to pursue Napoleon's 
shattered forces was due to the desire of the diplomatic 
bees to renew their buzzing. The peace-party in 
Austria thought enough had been done. Austrian 
arms had triumphed in Italy ; Napoleon was beyond 
the Rhine ; why should Austria continue to expend 
men and money ? When at length the forward 
policy prevailed military interests continued to be 
sacrificed to political, and Langres, Chatillon, and 
Troyes were successively the scene of negotiations 
with Napoleon, which, in one instance at least, seriously 
jeopardized the position of the Allied forces. 

It is interesting to notice Metternich's impression 
of the motives actuating the nations and armies 
taking part in this great uprising against their erst- 
while master. The Prussians were by far the most 
eager for the overthrow of Napoleon. They burned 
to revenge a long succession of insults and enormities. 
Their army was composed to a great extent of essenti- 



104 METTERNICH 

ally national elements, of " students and professors 
literati and poets," instigated by the Tugendbund,i 
" of many battalions of fanatic volunteers " who 
thirsted for a war of extermination. Metternich 
bitterly reflects that under this cloak of Prussian 
patriotism Stein and Gneisenau were even now 
introducing that revolutionary bacillus into the 
councils of Alexander, which was destined before 
long to infect the public opinion of every State in 
Europe. The Russians were elated at their successful 
display against Napoleon in 1812, " a feeling," re- 
marks Metternich, " which, with the Russians, easily 
degenerates into swagger." They were quite content 
to rest on their laurels and had no desire to carry the 
war into France, especially now that on their border 
Poland lay a tempting and defenceless morsel. 
Alexander himself, dominated by the views of La 
Harpe, Jomini, and Stein, sought only to be the 
arbiter of Europe. Of the Austrians Metternich 
patriotically observes that, although eager enough 
to take vengeance on the French, they were disci- 
plined and were content to await their orders. 

Metternich was present with the sovereigns when the 
Allies crossed the Rhine at Basle on January 25th, 
1814, and accompanied them to Langres, "the crowning 
point of the Vosges mountains, where they overlook 
the plains of France and the heights of the Ardennes." 

At Langres the demands of diplomacy again retarded 
the chariot of Bellona. Metternich, supported by the 
Emperor Francis, had already resumed secret com- 

^ A patriotic secret society organized in Prussia for the purpose 
of cultivating the manly virtues, with a view to the liberation of 
Germany from Napoleon's domination. 



THE FALL OF NAPOLEON 105 

munications with Napoleon, It is impossible to say 
whether he really expected that Napoleon would 
come to terms or whether he merely wished to keep 
up the appearance that Francis was doing everything 
in his power to avoid humiliating his son-in-law. At 
any rate, while Metternich was at Frankfurt settling 
a dispute between Schwarzenberg and Bliicher, he had 
two interviews with a French envoy. The terms which 
the Austrian Chancellor suggested to Napoleon were 
that France should resume her boundaries of 1797, 
that is, retire behind the Rhine, the Alps, and the 
P5nrenees. To this reasonable offer, which would 
have allowed France to retain Savoy, Nice, Belgium, 
and the left bank of the Rhine, Napoleon returned an 
evasive answer. A fortnight later, when it was too 
late, he accepted them. So ended Metternich's first 
attempt to save the husband of Marie Louise. 

At Langres the arrival of Caulaincourt with pleni- 
potentiary powers from Napoleon to accept the terms 
proposed by Metternich at Frankfurt put a stop to all 
military operations, while diplomacy pursued its 
intricate course. Metternich wished to accept, the 
Czar refused to discuss Caulaincourt 's terms. Eventu- 
ally Castlereagh won over the Austrian diplomatists 
to the Czar's view that France ought to be confined 
to the boundaries of 1792, and surrender Nice, Savoy, 
Belgium, and the left bank of the Rhine. It was 
accordingly arranged that a Congress should be held 
at Chatillon to discuss peace on this basis. Even now 
Castlereagh had hard work to prevent a fresh quarrel 
between the Czar and Metternich as to the question 
of who should succeed Napoleon in the event of the 
Allies' success. Alexander wished the French people 



106 METTERNICH 

to choose their own ruler. Metternich feared that 
this would by no means ensure the return of the 
Bourbons. That matter also was referred to the 
Congress of Chatillon. 

When the Congress opened on February 5th, 
Caulaincourt still had carte blanche to accept the 
Frankfurt terms. Metternich, apparently eager for 
peace himself, only prevailed on the Czar not to break 
off negotiations by threatening to recall the Austrian 
troops. Terms were offered to Napoleon on the 
basis that France should retain the boundaries of 
1792, but the French Emperor, believing that his 
recent victories betokened a turn of fortune, char- 
acteristically broke off negotiations. The Congress 
of Chatillon had merely given him a respite of more 
than six weeks. Metternich, as a matter of fact, 
had not been present during the greater part of the 
Congress, but had been discussing at Troyes the 
question of a successor to Napoleon. Too late, as 
usual. Napoleon at the last moment offered to resign 
in favour of a Regency representing his son, the little 
King of Rome. Metternich's comment on hearing 
of this offer was, " We are no longer masters of our 
actions to-day." ^ In truth, matters were at last 
definitely in the hands of the generals, and the capture 
of Paris was only a matter of time. 

After the Congress of Chatillon, Metternich accom- 
panied Francis to Dijon in the wake of the Allied 
troops. They arrived at four o'clock in the morning, 
without an escort, in two postchaises, to the obvious 
surprise of the inhabitants, who, however, lost no 
time in setting on foot Royalist demonstrations. 

^ Arneth, " Johann, Freiherr von Wessenberg," vol. i. p. 188. 



THE FALL OF NAPOLEON 107 

Incidentally, the party only by the merest chance 
escaped capture when Napoleon played his last 
desperate move of trying to draw the Allies away 
from Paris by a feint at their communications. 

At Dijon Francis and Metternich remained for 
nearly three weeks. Their reason for doing so is 
somewhat of a mystery. Although they must have 
foreseen that great events were bound to happen 
within a few days, they remained at Dijon long after 
the capture of Paris and were absent during the 
critical negotiations which followed. Both Metter- 
nich and his master knew that the Czar wished, in 
opposition to their views, to dethrone Napoleon and 
restore the Bourbons ; yet they left the field clear 
for him, and it was Alexander who decided, on his 
own responsibility, who should succeed Napoleon 
and what should be done with him. If Metternich's 
views had coincided with those of Alexander, there 
would be less reason for astonishment. But Metter- 
nich professed to be furious at Alexander's solution 
of the problem. The Declaration of March 31st, 
which Alexander signed on behalf of his brother 
sovereign, asserted that the Allies were no longer 
treating with Napoleon but would recognize and 
protect the constitution which the French people 
should choose for themselves. Metternich described 
Alexander's effort as a " miserable performance." 
The word " constitution " especially displeased him, 
and he told Hudelist that the Declaration " would 
never have been couched in these terms if I had been 
at hand." Certainly Alexander's action was char- 
acteristically impulsive. Schwarzenberg had refused 
to take the responsibility of signing for Austria, and 



108 METTERNICH 

Nesselrode went so far as to apologize to Metternich 
for the necessity undergone by his master of acting 
without waiting for the approval of Francis. But 
why was Metternich at Dijon and not at Paris, and 
why was Alexander placed in a position of sole responsi- 
bility ? Certain explanation there is none, but it has 
been ingeniously suggested that Metternich wished 
to thrust all the responsibility of dethroning Napoleon 
and substituting someone for him upon the Czar 
and deliberately delayed coming to Paris. The 
decision to relegate Napoleon to Elba was also arrived 
at in Metternich's absence, though Francis signified his 
assent, and in his Memoirs the Chancellor protests that 
he was always opposed to Elba as a place of banish- 
ment, and even at that date had thought of St Helena. 
Yet at the time it is certain he made no protest.^ 

The result of Metternich's policy, at any rate, 
was not to enhance Austrian prestige. The world 
saw in the Czar Alexander the moving spirit of the 
Allies, and the protector of Constitutional govern- 
ment. Happily this impression did not last. The 
fruits resulting from the accomplishment of that 
great object — the overthrow of Napoleon — for which 
Metternich had worked so long, and to which he had 
in his cautious cunning and unheroic way contributed 
so largely, were not garnered by the avenger of gutted 
Moscow. For a time the glamour of Alexander's 
personality seemed to give Russia the primacy in 
Europe. But the system which prevailed in Europe 
for a quarter of a century after the downfall of 
Napoleon has gone down to posterity as Metternich's 
and not Alexander's. 

^ Edward de Wertheimer, " Duke of Reichstadt," pp. 95-98. 



THE FALL OF NAPOLEON 109 

Metternich remained at Dijon until the loth of 
April. According to his own account, he had been 
on the point of starting for Paris when the news of its 
capitulation arrived, whereupon, feeling that there 
was no need for him there — a most remarkable con- 
clusion to arrive at — he decided to remain at Dijon. 
A deputation waited on him to ask if the inhabitants 
of Dijon might hoist the Royalist colours. Francis 
at once assented, and Metternich describes in a letter, 
dated April 4th, to his daughter Marie the rejoicing 
that ensued. " We are in the midst of cries of ' Vive 
le Roi ! ' The public seems possessed. More than 
2000 cockades have been sold in one day. The 
milliners and dressmakers do nothing else. All the 
street urchins have bits of white paper in their hats 
and caps." 

Metternich was present at the entry of Louis 
XVin. into Paris. He watched the procession with 
Schwarzenberg from a window in the Rue Mont- 
martre, and was struck by the ambiguous attitude of 
the crowd towards the restored dynasty, varying from 
sullen silence to enthusiastic cries of " Vive le roi ! " 
The gloomy countenances of the Imperial Guard 
which preceded and followed the Royal carriage were 
not in keeping with the King's air of studied affability. 
Louis seemed far too eager in responding by salutes 
to feelings so evidently mixed. Metternich called 
on Louis afterwards and had a conversation with him, 
lasting two hours, in the very same room where he 
had so often conversed with Napoleon. " Napoleon 
was a very good tenant," airily remarked Louis, 
" he made everything most comfortable ; he arranged 
everything excellently for me." On the whole, 



110 METTERNICH 

Mettemich was not much impressed with the French 
monarch, and found that their views on poHtics were 
quite divergent. 

After the signature of the Peace of Paris, Metternich 
visited England with the Czar and the King of Prussia 
to convey the Emperor Francis' excuses for his 
inability to attend. It was twenty years since he had 
last set foot on English soil. The royal visitors 
spent a night at Oxford, where the Czar, the King of 
Prussia, the Duke of Wellington, Bliicher, and Metter- 
nich all received a Doctor's degree, the only mark 
of esteem which the Chancellor ever received from 
Great Britain. A banquet was given in their honour 
in the hall of Christ Church, at which most of the 
celebrities of the day were present. 

If Metternich's reception in England had lacked 
enthusiasm the Viennese made up for it, for he was 
received on his arrival with a torchlight procession 
and with every demonstration of popular enthusiasm. 
His wife and children, together with the Duchess of 
Sagan, were residing at Baden. Thither Metternich 
went to join them, and to spend the period which 
must elapse before the opening of the Congress of 
Vienna in social relaxation as an antidote to his recent 
exertions. 

Now that Napoleon had to all appearance been 
relegated to the parochial politics of an insignificant 
islet, the conquerors proceeded to divide the spoil. 
It had been Metternich's suggestion that aU specifi- 
cally French concerns should be settled in Paris, and 
that those affecting the balance of power in Europe 
should be settled at a Congress at Vienna. 

Accordingly it was arranged that the sovereigns 



THE FALL OF NAPOLEON 111 

and ministers of the States of Europe should meet at 
Vienna in August. As a matter of fact, the Congress 
did not actually commence its sittings until the 
latter half of September. 

Metternich indignantly repudiates the well-known 
saying of the Prince de Ligne, " Le Congres danse 
mais ne marche pas." Dances were, he admits, 
given by the Imperial Court for the benefit of the 
crowned heads and their retinues and for the crowds 
of sightseers who had flocked to Vienna. But the 
diplomatists, he protests, did not spend their time in 
dancing. The populace had looked forward to a 
spectacle ; and they were disappointed. The Con- 
gress met in an unpretentious room and its proceedings 
were informal and businesslike. 

In a sense the Prince de Ligne and Metternich were 
both wrong and both correct. To the outside world 
the Congress was one vast spectacle to dehght the 
masses and to amuse the vast concourse of foreign 
and German guests who attended it. No such 
gathering of Emperors, Kings, Princes, and notabilities 
had ever dazzled a European capital before. Princes, 
diplomatists, the rich bankers of Vienna, and great 
ladies vied with each other in magnificent hospitality, 
and a mere list of the amusements and pageants 
provided by the Austrian Court on practically each 
day of the five months during which the Conference 
lasted renders credible the assertion that, with sublime 
disregard for his Empire's financial chaos, Francis 
spent no less than 30,000,000 florins on his guests. 

Large bodies of troops were brought to Vienna 
that the sovereigns might indulge such mihtary 
ardour as was unquenched by Leipzig and Dresden in 



112 METTERNICH 

drilling regiments or witnessing manoeuvres ; an 
elaborate representation of a mediaeval tourney, 
with the most lovely ladies in Europe as Queens of 
Beauty, was successfully produced, and since on the 
day appointed the Czar was indisposed a second and 
identical performance took place on his recovery 
for his special delectation. There were monster 
concerts, grand routs, masked balls, theatricals, 
tableaux vivants, heron-hawking, battues of thou- 
sands of driven game of every description, popular 
f^tes in the Augarten, and the daily promenade in 
the Prater, when the British Ambassador, Lord 
Stewart, was distinguished above all for the splendour 
of his equipage. Lest these pastimes should pall, 
sleighing parties were arranged to Schonbrunn, a 
gorgeous religious ceremony took place in honour 
of the anniversary of Louis XVL's execution, and 
Sir Sidney Smith, the hero of Acre, in a vein of humour 
or frugality invited sovereigns and diplomatists alike 
to a picnic dinner in the Augarten, when each guest 
paid for his own repast. 

The sovereigns were lavish of charity, and loaded 
each other with gifts varying from jewellery to 
colonelcies of regiments. Everything was gay and 
attractive, from the uniforms which enlivened the 
streets to the wit of the famous Prince de Ligne, 
which delighted the salons ; and Lawrence and 
Isabey, the great painters, were there to portray the 
celebrities. All this was thoroughly to the taste 
of Metternich, whose sobriquet of " Le Ministre 
papillon " was no hbel. Though capable of hard 
work, he loved to intersperse it with play. Always a 
lady-killer, and always ready to gain a political end 



THE FALL OF NAPOLEON 113 

by female intrigue, he found himself at the Congress 
of Vienna surrounded by all the great ladies, like the 
Princess Bagration, the Duchess of Sagan, and the 
Countess Zichy, whose acquaintance he had made 
in the various capitals of Europe. Like Tallejrrand, 
he could and did carry on politics to a large extent 
through the salon, and under a frivolous exterior 
worked out serious political problems. The entertain- 
ments which he gave during the Congress were dis- 
tinguished for lavishness, grandeur, and perfection 
in the minutest detail. At the end of January, he 
gave a ball at his country place near Vienna, for which 
a magnificent ball-room was specially constructed in 
the garden, surrounded by stands for spectators. 
At all the Chancellor's entertainments, as well as at 
all Court gaieties, the Princess Marie Metternich^ was 
a prominent figure. 

But if the Prince de Ligne's sarcasm at the expense 
of the Congress is not without truth, Metternich was 
justified, nevertheless, in claiming that it achieved 
a vast amount of work. This is not the place to 
dilate on how the Congress performed its gigantic 
task of settling the boundaries of the States of Europe 
and devising such measures as were possible to secure 
their permanency. That is part of the history of 
Europe. Here we need only sketch the main course 
of Metternich's policy as shown in Austria's attitude 
to the most important problems before the Congress. 

The fact was that while the Czar was the cynosure 
of all eyes as in the Polonaise he headed the long 
string of couples in their devious course through the 

1 Metternich's favourite daughter, who married Count Joseph 
Esterhazy, and died young. 

8 



114 METTERNICH 

corridors of the Hofburg, or flirted in public with 
some Court beauty or charmer of more humble 
origin, and sometimes even condescended to give 
his advice on some knotty question that had arisen ; 
while the King of Prussia sought to drown in pleasure 
the memory of his dead wife; and Francis gave all 
his thoughts to the task of playing host, the real 
work of the Congress was accomplished by a limited 
body of trained and able statesmen. In virtue of 
the position of Austria in Europe, the fact that Vienna 
was the meeting place of the Congress, and of his own 
merits, Metternich was elected President. If it can 
be said that any one statesman or personality was 
super-eminent at the Congress, it was he, and un- 
doubtedly his influence was felt in every transaction 
and his opinion would often turn the scale in an 
argument. 

But what the Chancellor really deserves credit for 
is the manner in which he chose his instruments. 
Austria was never better served than by the body of 
men who represented her interests at the Congress 
of Vienna ; and Metternich selected them. Though, 
doubtless, a great deal of business was accomplished 
and a great many disputes and knotty points settled 
at friendly meetings, the spade work of the Congress 
was accomplished at the Meetings of the various 
small Committees, such as the German Committee, 
or the Committee on the Navigation of Rivers, into 
which for practical purposes the Congress as a whole 
was split up. 

Metternich's right hand was Gentz, the Secretary 
of the Congress. Readers of Rostand's " L'Aiglon " 
will recall the characteristics of this curious man. 




GENTZ 

FROM THE PAINTING BY SIR THOMAS LAWRENCE 



THE FALL OF NAPOLEON 115 

which are there quite justly portrayed — an intense 
love of money and luxury and a veritable passion for 
sweets. " If you want to make him foolishly fond," 
wrote Metternich in later years to his son Victor, 
" send him some bonbons or a new perfume." Gentz 
was also full of queer fads : he once objected to the 
shape of a lamp, because it was Gothic in design 
and "the Goths are dead." However, Metternich 
" promised to indemnify him with chocolate . . . 
he would give the Cathedral of Strasburg for a good 
piece of chocolate." Gentz was a witty and amusing 
companion. Metternich had first employed him at 
the Congress of Prague, but had not really taken 
him into his confidence until early in 1814, when 
Gentz had come to live in Vienna. Henceforth he be- 
came the Chancellor's closest confidante. In later years 
there were some tiffs and a divergence in some matters 
of pohcy, not softened by Gentz's habit of telling 
people that it was he and not Metternich who did all 
the work of the Chancery. Still, on the whole, they 
remained firm friends, and Gentz was a great favourite 
with Metternich's third wife. Princess Melanie, who 
in her Diary mentions her delight at listening to the 
witty conversations of Gentz and her husband, and 
her annoyance because the former, when ill, refused 
to take her prescriptions. Although Metternich used 
to laugh at Gentz's eccentricities, and towards the 
end of his own hfe was inclined to belittle his political 
insight, he was overcome with grief when in 1832 
his old friend died after a painful illness. At the 
Congress of Vienna, at any rate, Metternich boasted 
that Gentz " knew everything," and certainly the 
lucid and statesmanUke documents in which Gentz 



116 METTERNICH 

from time to time announced the aims of the Powers 
to Europe showed a genius which entirely beHed his 
quaint and foppish exterior. 

Other representatives of Austria were Baron John 
von Wessenberg, second Austrian plenipotentiary, 
whose activity earned him the sobriquet of the 
" working bee," Baron Binder, who later on, in the 
forties, wrote a biography of Metternich, Count 
Radetzky, military adviser, Pilat, who voiced Metter- 
nich's views as editor of the " Austrian Observer," 
and State-Councillor Hudelist, a man much in the 
confidence of the Chancellor. It was this group of 
able diplomatists and professional men who, in 
concert with the representatives of other States, per- 
formed in numerous small but busy Committees the 
permanent work of the Congress. 

Throughout the duration of the Congress, the 
Czar continued to evince the greatest dislike for 
Metternich, who, thanks to the unswerving support 
of Francis, was usually able to hold his own. 

Indeed the importance of the problems before the 
Congress rendered harmony indispensable, though at 
first it appeared unlikely that it would be obtained. 
For everybody apparently wanted everything. 
Russia demanded the whole of Poland, Prussia 
Saxony, Sweden wished to exchange Denmark for 
Norway, while Austria claimed from Bavaria the 
cession of T3n-ol and the Voralberg, and was resolved to 
maintain her conquests and recover her lost possessions 
in Poland and Italy. For even at this period Metter- 
nich regarded Italy as a " geographical expression." 

There is little doubt that Metternich's tactful 
handling of the Polish and Saxon questions contri- 



THE FALL OF NAPOLEON 117 

buted greatly to the success of the Congress. True, 
he resisted the absorption of Poland by Russia, and 
sought to secure the aid of Prussia in confining Russia 
to the boundary of the Vistula. Hereupon Alexander 
announced that Metternich had offered Russia con- 
cessions in Poland on condition that Russia would 
assist in keeping Prussia out of Saxony. Metternich 
denied the assertion, and tried to stir up discord 
between Russia and Prussia with the result that the 
Czar went to Francis and vowed he would have 
nothing more to do with such a Minister as Metter- 
nich.i Nor did he in future attend the soirees of 
the Chancellor. This is typical of the intrigues 
which attended almost every stage of the Congress. 
Also, Metternich, from at first supporting, to a certain 
extent, the claims of Prussia, gradually veered round 
to the view that the Saxons ought to retain their 
identity as a nation. ^ In this view he was supported 
by Talleyrand, but failed to obtain the French states- 
man's admission to the discussion. The Powers 
tended more and more to group themselves into two 
opposing sections, Russia and Prussia against Austria, 
England, and France, and in January 1815 a secret 
alliance was actually concluded between the three 
latter Powers. Though Castlereagh did his best to 
keep Metternich in the paths of conciliation, it is not 
impossible that a European war would have broken 
out had not Napoleon escaped from Elba, and thus 
necessitated a hurried burial of differences. His 
first remark on landing upon French soil, " Le Congres 
est dissous," proved, as it turned out, a falsehood. 

^ " Cambridge Modern History," vol. ix. p. 596. 

8 Schmidt Wessenfels, " Fiirst Metternich," vol. i. p. 184. 



118 METTERNICH 

In regard to Italy, Austria merely aimed at the 
complete restoration of her possessions. Thanks to 
Metternich's firm policy, she succeeded. He insisted 
that the affairs of each Italian state in turn should 
be consulted, and refused to allow a Committee to be 
appointed for the regulation of affairs in Italy in 
general. He also insisted on the retention of Piacenza 
for Austria, which implied that the Empress Marie 
Louise had to give up her own and her son's possessions 
in Italy in exchange for some German lands, a bargain 
which the Emperor Francis sanctioned, in spite of 
the scant courtesy shown to his daughter. The 
Spanish Plenipotentiaries to the Congress vigorously 
pressed the claims of the Bourbon, Charles Louis 
Prince of Parma, to Tuscany. But Metternich 
turned a deaf ear to their representations, and with 
two exceptions Austria gained complete control of 
Northern Italy. Metternich, however, failed to|prevent 
the Pope from receiving back the Legation, and made 
the capital error, fruitful of future complications, of 
guaranteeing to Prince Murat the throne of Naples. 

In regard to Italy, Metternich has been credited 
with the interesting project of making the King of 
Bavaria King of Lombardy, with capital at Milan, 
and compensating Austria with Bavaria. This would 
have accomplished the dream of Austrian states- 
men in the eighteenth century of a great South- 
German state under Austrian rule. Although the 
King of Bavaria himself was favourable to the project, 
his Minister, Count Wrede, persuaded Metternich, 
through the influence of the Duchess of Sagan, to 
abandon the scheme.^ 

1 Schmidt Wessenfels, " Fiirst Metternich," vol. i. pp. 189-190. 



THE FALL OF NAPOLEON 119 

In regard to German affairs, it was obvious from 
the first that the high hopes of Liberals like Stein 
and Gorres, who aspired to a united Germany under 
a single Constitution, were doomed to disappoint- 
ment. The Great Powers, including Austria and 
Prussia, showed themselves bent on settling the 
destinies of Germany, as they were settling those of 
other countries, by means of the Congress. It was, 
indeed, arranged that the Committee which was to 
discuss German questions should consist only of 
German Ministers, but it was obvious from the first 
that Austria and Prussia, not to speak of the other 
Powers, had never contemplated aught but a loose 
Federal Constitution for Germany, and in this sense 
Wessenberg drew up a draft scheme at the end of 
1 813, which formed the basis of the arrangement 
ultimately adopted. The only interest which Austria 
and Prussia took in the proceedings seemed inspired 
by the fear of the one that the other would secure a 
preponderance in Germany under the new arrangement, 
and such progress as was made was due almost en- 
tirely to the efforts of the representatives of the 
smaller States. 

In fact, when the news of Napoleon's escape from 
Elba arrived the settlement of Germany was not 
much more advanced than the majority of the other 
problems which were in process of solution by the 
Congress. 

This startling event happened just when matters, 
especially in regard to the Polish and Saxon questions, 
were looking serious. Points of contention were 
multiplying every day. Constant friction between 
the interested Powers, and not least between Metter- 



120 METTERNICH 

nich and Alexander, seemed on the verge of breaking 
into a terrible war. Then the blow fell. Napoleon 
left the regeneration of Elba for the regeneration of 
France. The Congress had been counting their 
chickens before they were hatched. On the night 
of March 6th, a conference between the plenipo- 
tentiaries of the five Powers had taken place in 
Metternich's house ; it had lasted until three o'clock 
in the morning. Metternich, worn out with a long 
and busy day, left orders with his servant that he 
was not to be awakened even if a courier should 
arrive in the course of the night. 

Yet at six o'clock on the morning of the seventh 
the man woke him and handed him a despatch from 
the French Consul-General at Genoa sent by courier 
and marked " Urgent." Metternich, who had enjoyed 
but two hours' rest, laid the dispatch unopened upon 
the nearest table and turned round with the intention 
of going to sleep again. But sleep he could not, and 
at half-past seven he opened the dispatch. Its 
contents would have awakened the Fat Boy in 
Pickwick. " The English Commissary Campbell has 
just appeared in the harbour to inquire whether 
Napoleon has been seen in Genoa, as he has dis- 
appeared from the island of Elba ; the question 
being answered in the negative, the English ship has 
again put out to sea." 

Metternich, who had always been doubtful of the 
security of Elba as a prison for Napoleon, took the 
news calmly, but acted promptly. By nine o'clock 
he had called upon all the Allied sovereigns and 
obtained their consent to immediate action, and by 
ten o'clock adjutants were already on their way to 



THE FALL OF NAPOLEON 121 

order the troops to return to the positions they had 
occupied at the time of the Treaty of Paris. 

Such at least is Metternich's version. Its truth 
is not less doubtful than that of other statements 
contained in his Memoirs. At any rate the news of 
the actual landing in France arrived on March 7th. 
Accounts differ as to whether it came during a Court 
concert or a ball given by Metternich, and Pertz 
states that Wellington was the first to receive it.^ 
Also, it is open to doubt whether the sovereigns and 
diplomatists took the news quite so calmly as Metter- 
nich asserts or acted with such rapidity. At any 
rate their Proclamation to Europe was not drawn 
up until March I3th.2 

It is an interesting fact that Metternich, convinced 
that Napoleon would sooner or later escape from 
Elba, had written to Fouche, now Duke of Otranto, 
to inquire what he thought would happen if Napoleon 
suddenly returned to France or if the King of Rome 
appeared on the frontiers ; also what France would 
do if matters were left for her to manage entirely by 
herself. Fouche had replied that the Army would 
join Napoleon, that France would welcome either 
Napoleon or the King of Rome, but if left to herself, 
would choose the Orleans dynasty. 

Before the opening of the campaign of the Hundred 
Days, Napoleon made strenuous efforts to secure the 
support of Austria or failing that to sow dissension 
among the AUies. For the latter purpose he found 
an instrument to hand, for Louis XVIII. had care- 
lessly left upon his writing table in the Tuileries the 

1 Pertz, " Baxon von Stein," vol. iv. p. 367. 

* Edward de Wertheimer, " Duke of Reichstadt," p. 147. 



122 METTERNICH 

draft of that secret treaty which had been drawn 
up in January between England, France, and Austria, 
to combat the claims of Russia and Prussia. Napoleon 
lost no time in sending this document to the Czar, 
who behaved magnanimously. He sent for Metter- 
nich and showing him the document asked him if he 
recognized it. But before the Chancellor, could 
compose himself sufficiently to answer, the Czar 
interrupted him with the assurance that as long as 
they lived he would never mention the m.atter again, 
that they had other things to do, and that the alliance 
between Austria and Russia must at all costs be drawn 
closer, after which he threw the paper into the fire. 
The Czar forgave what he did not forget. 

The effect of Napoleon's return upon the labours 
of the Congress was, that as soon as the necessary 
measures had been taken for the invasion of France, 
great efforts were made to conclude them as 
expeditiously as possible. Some of the assembled 
diplomats wished to prorogue the Congress until 
after Napoleon's downfall, and it is chiefly to the 
credit of Metternich that it was eventually decided 
to continue the sittings. The necessity for haste 
engendered a conciliatory spirit amongst the repre- 
sentatives of the Powers which had been wanting 
before ; and although there was little time for elabora- 
tion, most of the problems which had hitherto proved 
stumbling-blocks to a peaceful settlement were, 
if sometimes in a rough and ready fashion, finally 
adjusted between the date of the return from Elba 
and the month of June. 

Here it will be sufficient to glance at the solution 
of those questions chiefly affecting Austria. Poland, 



THE FALL OF NAPOLEON 123 

which had proved such a bone of contention in the 
earher part of the Congress, was partitioned between 
Russia, Prussia, and Austria. The latter retained 
her possession of the greater part of Eastern GaUcia. 
In regard to Saxony a compromise was effected 
whereby a portion of it was handed over to Prussia. 
The question of granting Marie Louise possessions 
in Italy was solved by an arrangement which was 
lauded by Gentz as a masterpiece on Metternich's 
part, but which was really a shabby attempt to rob 
the King of Rome of his heritage while appearing 
to act in the interests of Napoleon's wife and son. 
She was allowed Parma and Piacenza, but no mention 
was made of the succession devolving upon the little 
King of Rome. The settlement of the affairs of 
Germany was also completed in a few hurried sittings 
in a manner eminently satisfactory to Metternich, 
but not at all to the satisfaction of those who longed 
for a united Germany. The sittings of the German 
Committee had been suspended for five months in 
view of the hopelessness of procuring any unanimity 
amongst the lesser States. After the return of 
Napoleon, however, a settlement was rapidly arranged 
under the stimulating vigour of Metternich, on the 
lines of the Federal Constitution drawn up by Wessen- 
berg quite early in the history of the Congress. The 
final draft, which was the ninth since the beginning 
of the Congress, provided that the Germanic Con- 
federation should comprise thirty-eight States with 
a population of over twenty-nine millions. Austria 
and Prussia joined it for those only of their provinces 
which had formerly belonged to the German Empire. 
It was briefly stated in one of the Articles, subse- 



124 METTERNICH 

quently embodied in Article XIII. of the Vienna 
Final Act, that every German State had a right to 
a constitution, but apart from this there was nothing 
in the Federal Act which encouraged the hopes of 
Liberalism. It was, in fact, thoroughly to Metternich's 
taste. Germany was stiU to remain a loosely joined 
conglomeration of States, and all important questions 
regarding the constitution and working of the Federal 
Government were postponed for the consideration 
of the Diet. 

The Federal Act was decided upon just in time to 
be incorporated with the other results of the labours 
of the Congress in the Final Act, which, in the absence 
of the sovereigns, was signed by the plenipotentiaries 
on June 9th. 

Metternich watched the course of the final struggle 
against Napoleon from Heidelberg, and in a description 
of the battle of Waterloo, written to his daughter 
Marie, he ascribes the result to " the iron resolution 
of the English General and the courageous assistance 
of Field-Marshal Bliicher." 

Soon after the battle Metternich travelled to Paris, 
where the Allies were already estabhshed, and for the 
next few months flung himself with his usual zest 
into all the gaieties of that Parisian society which he 
knew and loved so well. On one occasion he happened 
to be dining with Bliicher " in the room where I have 
conversed hours and hours with Napoleon." The 
blunt Field-Marshal, as they were crossing the gallery 
of St Cloud, exclaimed, " That man must have been 
a regular fool to have aU this and go running after 
Moscow." 

A period of festive relaxation in Paris was not the 



THE FALL OF NAPOLEON 125 

only reward which Metternich received for his strenuous 
diplomatic efforts against Napoleon and his successful 
conduct of the Congress of Vienna. The Allies 
presented him with the old ecclesiastical property 
of Johannisberg on the Rhine ; he received a portion 
of the Indemnity which was assigned to Austria from 
France, and the Czar of Russia conferred upon him 
an annuity of 50,000 francs, increased to 75,000 by 
his successor Nicholas.^ 

To judge from the abnormal capacity for spending 
money, which the Austrian Chancellor had inherited 
from his father, these additions to his income cannot 
have been unwelcome. 

^ Schmidt Wessenfels, " Fiirst Metternich," vol. i. p. 195-6. 



CHAPTER VIII 

THE METTERNICH SYSTEM IN GERMANY 

Exhaustion of the Powers — The Czax of Russia institutes the 
Holy Alliance — Its meaning to contemporary statesmen and its 
significance in history — Failure of European statesmen to seize the 
opportunity to conciliate Liberalism — The so-called "Metternich 
system" was in reality a policy of "Stability" — Metternich en- 
deavours to secure the supremacy of Austria in the Diet by fair 
means or foul — In combating Liberalism in Germany, he is hampered 
by the Liberal tendencies of the Czar — He nevertheless overawes 
the smaller States of Germany in succession — The Prussian 
King shows leanings towards Liberalism — After his usual 
Autumn water-cure at Carlsbad, Metternich visits his estates at 
Konigswart and Johannisberg, and also his old home at Coblenz — 
He accompanies the Emperor Francis to the Congress of Aix-la- 
Chapelle. The journey down the Rhine resembles a progress of the 
old Holy Roman Emperors and enhances Austrian prestige — The 
Congress proves a triumph for Metternich' s policy — The Czar is 
converted from Liberahsm — On the conclusion of the Congress, 
Metternich accompanies the Emperor Francis to Italy — He is 
recalled by the news of Kotzebue's murder — A meeting is arranged 
to take place at Teplitz between the Czar, the Emperor Francis, and 
the King of Prussia, to discuss what means should be taken to 
control Liberalism — As a result, a Conference of German ministers 
assembles at Carlsbad — In spite of opposition from the smaller 
States, Metternich secures the passing of the Carlsbad Decree — 
After a visit to Konigswart Metternich makes Vienna his head- 
quarters — Domestic bereavements — Effect of the Carlsbad Decrees 
upon Liberahsm in Germany 

THE termination of the death-struggle with 
Napoleon found aU Europe ready for peace. 
Austria, especially, exhausted and nearly bankrupt, 
needed repose, and it was this, rather than a spirit 
of self-abnegation, which had forced Metternich, in 

126 



THE METTERNICH SYSTEM IN GERMANY 127 

the words of Gentz, to substitute Europe for Austria 
in his poUcy during the negotiations leading up to 
the Treaty of Chaumont. Prussia was in a similar 
state of exhaustion. Russia alone emerged from the 
war capable of dominating the councils of Europe. 

It was then from the eccentric ruler of Russia that 
the idea of the Holy Alliance originated. During 
the negotiations for the second Peace of Paris the 
Czar requested Metternich to procure for him a 
private interview with Francis for the purpose of 
discussing " a great undertaking " which he con- 
templated. In the course of this interview Alexander, 
explained his scheme for a Holy Alliance between 
Austria, Russia, and Prussia, and handed to Francis 
a document containing his views. This document 
Francis showed to Metternich. Metternich, at this 
period, regarded Alexander as "a madman to be 
humoured " ; ^ he advised assent to the plan with 
certain modifications, a course which was followed 
by the King of Prussia, a sincere admirer of the Czar. 
To Metternich was assigned the awkward task of 
suggesting the modifications to Alexander, who, with 
considerable difficulty, was induced to accept them. 

Thus it came about that on September 26th, 1815, 
on the occasion of a review on the plain of Vertus, 
the Holy Alliance was solemnly proclaimed. Its 
aims were noble. The three Sovereigns agreed to 
conduct the domestic and foreign affairs of their 
kingdoms according to Christian principles, and to 
render mutual assistance for the protection of religious 
peace and justice. They were to regard themselves as 
delegated by Providence to govern three branches 

1 Alison Phillips, " Modern Europe," 4th Edition, p. 17. 



128 METTERNICH 

of the Christian nation, and might admit any other 
Powers who announced their adherence to these 
principles. Undoubtedly the Czar and the King of 
Prussia carried out these aspirations to the best of 
their ability ; undoubtedly the Holy Alliance had a 
lasting influence on European politics. It made 
Congresses the fashion, and thus sowed the seed of 
the modern idea of the European concert. Moreover, 
on its less practical side, the Holy Alliance has pro- 
duced to a large extent that sentiment of the universal 
brotherhood of nations, which, illustrated in such 
concrete measures as the Geneva Convention, and 
the institution of the Hague Tribunal, has gone far 
to educate humanity in the advantages of the main- 
tenance of peace. 

Unfortunately, its original author was almost the 
only individual connected with the institution of the 
Holy Alliance who either thoroughly believed in it 
or knew what it was intended to achieve. Perhaps 
no political venture of lofty purpose has received so 
many uncomplimentary epithets from the very men 
who were presumably its principal supporters. Metter- 
nich spoke of it as " verbiage " and " a loud sounding 
nothing " ; to him it was merely a philanthropic 
aspiration clothed in a religious garb, which supplied 
no material for a treaty between the monarchs. 
Castlereagh dubbed it " a piece of sublime mysticism 
and nonsense." But apart from ridiculing the whole 
idea, few statesmen trusted Russia's intentions. 
Mettemich, at any rate, thought that Alexander was 
disguising schemes of aggrandisement " under the 
language of evangelical self-abnegation," and, in 
common with others, the Austrian Chancellor pro- 



THE METTERNICH SYSTEM IN GERMANY 129 

ceeded to use the name of the Holy Alliance to cover 
the intrigues of Austrian diplomacy. 

It is true enough — as Metternich argued — that 
the Holy Alliance was " not an institution to keep 
down the rights of the people or promote absolutism 
or any other tyranny." " It was only the overflow 
of the patriotic feeling of the Emperor Alexander, 
the application of Christian principles to politics." 
But the purely negative qualities of the Holy Alliance 
were its greatest condemnation. Now — at the end 
of a Titanic struggle, which had called forth all that 
was best of patriotism and of liberal spirit in the 
inhabitants of Europe, and which had only ended 
in success for the Allied monarchs, thanks to the 
efforts of their subjects — now was the time to reward 
those efforts with some concessions in the direction 
of popular representation and the recognition of the 
existence of nations apart from sovereigns. Very 
little would at this time have been sufficient — a mere 
hint that it was recognized by the rulers that popular 
forces had had some influence in the Liberation of 
Europe.^ 

But that hint v/as not given, and for forty years 
the throbbing lava streams of Liberty kept bursting 
up, now in Germany, now in Italy, now in France, 
through the worn-out but still resisting crust of an 
out-of-date European system, until at last they 
formed those mountains of democratical government 
which now dominate a world where " benevolent 
despots " and their regime have almost vanished into 
oblivion. 

^ Colonel G. B. Malleson, " Metternich," Foreign Statesmen Series, 
P- 145- 
9 



130 METTERNICH 

Alexander himself was favourable to a Liberal 
policy. The King of Prussia was pledged to popular 
reform. But Francis — representative of rigid 
Hapsburg autocracy — was not the man to yield an 
inch, and Metternich was the mouthpiece of the 
despotism of the old regime. If only Alexander had 
been less of a visionary and more of a practical states- 
man, much might have been done. As it was he 
gradually became the dupe of Metternich, who slowly 
but surely procured the predominance of his policy 
in Europe, and used the Holy Alliance as an opportune 
cloak for his cynical but astute designs. Metternich's^ 
foreign policy may be summed up in a single sentence 
— the manipulation of the idea of a Concert of the 
Powers to forward the aims of Austria and secure 
the maintenance of the old regime. 

" The system of the new ruler," remarks a writer,^ 
who portrays Metternich in the light of Napoleon's 
successor in Europe, " resembled that of Napoleon 
in its contempt for the rights of men and nations, 
but it was to be varnished over with an appearance 
of legality, a seeming respect for the rights of kings 
and a determination to procure peace and avoid 
dramatic sensations, which made it welcome to 
Europe after eighteen years of almost incessant wars. 

" The political history of Austria," it has been 
said, " from the peace which followed the disaster of 
Wagram up to the Revolution of 1848, may be summed 
up in the career of Metternich." ^ More than this, 

^ "The Revolutionary Movements of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria, 
Hungary, and Germany, with some explanation of the previous 
thirty-three years," by Edmund Maurice, 1887. 

2 " A Centmry of Continental History," Holland Rose, 3rd 
Edition, p. 175. 



THE METTERNICH SYSTEM IN GERMANY 131 

and especially after 1815, the life of Mettemich is 
bound up with the history of Europe. For more 
than thirty years Vienna was the hub of European 
diplomacy, while the influence of Metternich was felt 
in connexion with every political movement : and 
few periods have been so rich in events, so marked 
by progress, so difficult intelligibly to portray, as the 
years between 1815 and 1848. 

It is manifestly impossible here to describe in detail 
the part which Metternich played in meeting the 
crises, grappling with the problems and mistaking the 
spirit of that crowded age. Of himself he said, " I 
have made history, I have not had time to write it." 
Rather it will be attempted to show the main prin- 
ciples by which Metternich was guided, and to employ 
the main incidents of his career as illustrations of 
their working. 

What has been called " Metternich's System " 
was a very simple matter in the mind of its so-called 
author. Metternich's sole creed may be reduced 
to the maintenance and aggrandisement of the Austrian 
Empire and to the preservation of the dignity of the 
House of Hapsburg. This one principle explains 
Metternich's attitude towards many questions. It 
made him the enemy of German unity, because, now 
that the Holy Roman Empire and the Hapsburg 
Holy Roman Emperor were no more, German unity 
meant the disintegration of Austria. It made him, 
apparently, the enemy of all progress. Yet Metter- 
nich would have been the last to admit that he was 
reactionary. Stability was really his guiding principle, 
since the very existence of the Austrian Empire 
depended on the non-shifting of political forces. 



132 METTERNICH 

With the example of Napoleon before him, aU liberal 
ideas and movements savoured to him of revolution 
and the uprooting of old traditions, and because the 
Hapsburg dynasty essentially depended on tradition 
Mettemich consistently opposed every outburst of 
Liberalism in Germany and in the Austrian dominions. 
And since the force of example was not to be neglected, 
he sought to extinguish revolution in foreign countries, 
and developed into a sort of Angel of Absolutism 
spreading his wings over all Europe. This implies — 
and it is generally admitted — that he entirely mistook 
the spirit of the age. He never understood that 
Liberalism was the winning force, that eighteenth 
century despotism was a dying fallacy, that the future 
was with democracy and not with " benevolent 
despots." It was a terrible mistake, and the edifice 
of Austrian supremacy which he painfully but triumph- 
antly raised with the brick and mortar of unscrupulous 
diplomacy was ultimately to crumble into oblivion 
so soon as the architect was swept away by the forces 
which he had combated. The means which Metter- 
nich used to achieve his end were principally two. 
In German affairs he sought to employ the cumbrous 
Diet for the execution of Austrian aims ; abroad 
he manipulated the European Concert — off-spring of 
Alexander's much-vaunted Holy Alliance — to serve 
the ends of Hapsburg dynastic policy. 

This attitude and these principles of action will 
be found reflected in and illustrated by almost every 
sphere of Metternich's political activity. 

For a time he achieved unparalleled success, and 
made Vienna the centre of European politics. He 
failed ultimately, because he stood for an out-of-date 



THE METTERNICH SYSTEM IN GERMANY 183 

system which the strongest props could not maintain 
intact. 

Nowhere was the pohcy of stability better illus- 
trated than in Metternich's treatment of the problem 
of Germany. The Holy Roman Empire, with its 
shadowy and nominal authority over all Germany, 
was gone. The War of Liberatidn, indeed, had done 
something to revive German loyalty to an institution 
hallowed by a long and sacred tradition. Francis had 
actually been invited to receive again the Imperial 
Crown. But Francis was a practical man. An 
Austrian Empire in the hand was worth two Holy 
Roman Empires in a mediaeval bush ; and with 
Metternich's approval he refused the proffered honour. 
History has proved that this renunciation of Austria's 
traditional supremacy in Germany had results similar 
to Metternich's deflection of Austrian ambition from 
the West to the South-east. Prussia gradually under- 
mined the position of Austria, and taking her place 
as the bulwark against France changed the face of 
German history. 

But whether Francis was wise or foolish in his 
renunciation, the Holy Roman Empire had ceased 
to exist ; and Metternich, as President of the Congress 
of Vienna, had considerable influence in the decision 
as to what should take its place. It may be said 
once and for all that his attitude was decidedly not 
that of a German patriot. Men like Stein who had 
led the national uprising in Prussia, and to a less 
extent in Austria, yearned for a strong united Germany 
ruled by a capable government. Metternich, on the 
other hand, looked at the question entirely from the 
point of view of an Austrian Minister, or at best from 



134 METTERNICH 

the point of view of a member of the European Concert. 
In neither capacity did he favour German unity. For 
Austria, especially, it would be fatal. Her motley 
Empire would dissolve into its component nation- 
alities ; bereft of her ancient title to superiority 
overwhelming physical force alone would insure her 
continued supremacy in Germany, and this,, with 
Prussia as an obstacle, was impossible. That is why 
at the Congress of Vienna Metternich had supported 
the retention of Germany as a loose Confederation of 
States, nominally and cumbrously regulated by a 
Diet, the inefi&ciency of which was ludicrously patent 
to all. 

If Metternich desired that Germany should remain 
disunited, his object was attained. The authority 
of the newly constituted Diet was as shadowy as that 
of the Diet of the Holy Roman Empire, while the 
jealousies, bickerings, and grumblings among the 
smaller States and pigmy potentates were as intricate 
and universal as ever. 

Still it was of the greatest importance for the success 
of Metternich's policy that Austria should be supreme 
in the Diet, and Austria by Francis' act of renuncia- 
tion had sacrificed her old legitimate title to supremacy. 
Moreover, the smaller States vastly surpassed both 
Austria and Prussia in voting power. Intrigue 
must make amends for the lack of legitimate right. 

Matters continued to go weU for Metternich. Upon 
Austria was bestowed the perpetual Presidency of 
the Diet, and its first protocols were issued under the 
seal of the Imperial Austrian Federal Chancery. 
Evidently Austria still retained in the eyes of her 
neighbours the glamour of her ancient position in 



THE METTERNICH SYSTEM IN GERMANY 135 

the Empire. Metternich knew well how to improve 
the occasion. Prussia alone was really dangerous to 
Austrian preponderance, and the Austrian repre- 
sentatives at the Diet were instructed to take measures 
to prevent Prussia exerting any influence upon the 
proceedings of that cumbrous body. Accident aided 
the Austrian Chancellor's designs. A representative 
of Prussia foolishly suggested a partition of Germany 
between Austria and Prussia. Metternich saw his 
chance. He informed the German Courts of this 
perfidious Prussian proposal and assured them that 
Austria at any rate would enter into no secret agree- 
ment. This roused a storm of indignation against 
Prussia, and by this clever stroke Metternich gained 
for Austria that unquestioning support of the maj ority 
of smaller States which assured her supremacy in the 
Diet. He clinched his victory by ordering Count 
Buol, the Austrian President of the Diet, to announce 
" that the constitution as fixed by the Act of Con- 
federation and guaranteed by Europe must be regarded 
as final." 

This was a promising start. How Metternich 
gradually secured complete ascendency over the Diet 
is best illustrated by the story of his struggle against 
Liberalism in Germany — a struggle which culminated 
in his complete if temporary triumph at Aix-la- 
Chapelle and Carlsbad. As has been already mentioned, 
Metternich was by no means a rabid reactionary. He 
was genuinely alarmed at the prevalence of a Liberal 
or, as he regarded it, a revolutionary spirit throughout 
Europe, mainly because he feared that its influence 
would react harmfully upon the hitherto tranquil 
inhabitants of the Austrian dominions. 



186 METTERNICH 

But perhaps he was not so perturbed by the desire 
of the German Liberals for unity as by the growing 
craving for constitutional government in the various 
States. The former was rendered less dangerous 
by the jealousies of the component parts of Germany 
and by the possibility of pla5dng upon this jealousy 
by diplomatic methods. What he really feared was 
the Press. Writers like Gorres and Arndt were 
constantly urging the need for constitutional rights 
and spreading their views broadcast, and Metternich 
was from the first impressed with the necessity of 
maintaining a rigid supervision of the Press. 

The Liberal aspirations of the Czar were a constant 
source of annoyance to Metternich. " The Emperor 
now begins to occupy himself with the condition of 
the peasantry in the Russo-Polish provinces," he 
wrote on July 22nd, 1818 ; " that there is plenty of 
good material is undeniable ; but, on the other hand, 
the Emperor runs some risk of kindling a conflagration 
in the interior of his kingdom. The Russians are, in 
general, very well under control ; what would be the 
result of further progress is very difficult to determine." 
What Metternich really feared was the effect of the 
Czar's liberal tendencies upon Germany. It was 
important, if possible, that Alexander should be 
shown the error of his Liberal ways ; but it was more 
important that the King of Prussia should be convinced 
that all reform in his dominions was undesirable, nay, 
utterly suicidal to the interests of the monarchy. 

For Metternich was able to curb the Liberal in- 
stincts of the smaller States, temporarily at least, by 
means of the subservient Diet. It is true that aU the 
German people were clamouring for Liberal reform. 



THE METTERNICH SYSTEM IN GERMANY 137 

The Universities were seething with what Metternich 
called revolutionary spirit. "The gymnastic estab- 
lishment," he wrote, " is a real preparatory school 
of University disorders " ; and although he pretended 
to regard the movement as the work of a small minority 
—as late as July 1824 he talked to Francis of " the 
revolutionary tendencies of a faction in Germany 
supported in an incomprehensible manner ... by 
many German governments " — he was nevertheless 
thoroughly alarmed. It is true, moreover, that the 
Constitutionalists had legal right upon their side. 
The famous Thirteenth Article of the Act of Con- 
federation had decreed that there should be Assemblies 
of Estates in all the States comprising the Confedera- 
tion. Apparently this legalized the granting of 
constitutions and placed the reformers under the 
protection of the Diet. Thanks to Metternich's 
clever manipulation no promise was ever less com- 
pletely fulfilled, in spite of feeble attempts by the 
Diet to justify its existence. The Elector of Hesse 
was the most reactionary of German princes. Within 
his puny sphere he raged against every symptom of 
Liberalism. Complaint was made to the Diet, which 
prepared to take measures against the despotic 
Elector. But the Elector appealed to the princes, 
and Metternich supported him. The Austrian 
Chancellor even went so far as to rebuke Count Buol 
for permitting the Diet to protect rebellious subjects 
against their sovereigns. Henceforth the Diet 
ambled ineffectually along the path of Austrian 
policy ; and the subsequent warning of the Emperor 
Francis against " over-activity " on the part of that 
ponderous assembly was quite unnecessary. 



138 METTERNICH 

The Diet did, indeed, make one further attempt to 
be independent. The Grand Duke of Weimar had 
presented his subjects with a constitution modelled 
on correct Liberal principles. The Diet, quite within 
its rights, confirmed this constitution. This roused 
Metternich's wrath. He procured Hardenberg's 
adhesion to the principle that each individual State 
ought to decide whether or not Article XIII. should 
be put into force, and that the Diet's only function 
was to frame " abstract resolutions." This private 
agreement between the Prussian and Austrian repre- 
sentatives completely neutralized the Diet's action ; 
and when a few months later the Diet passed a resolu- 
tion that German governments should without undue 
delay fulfil Article XIX. no one was obliged to comply. 

With the Diet reduced to subservience, Metternich 
was able to take measures against those German 
States which seemed inclined to stray in Liberal 
paths, and it is instructive as an illustration of Metter- 
nich's methods to observe how in the years between 
the Congress of Vienna and 1824 he established his 
system in Germany by means of the Diet and in spite 
of very considerable opposition from the forces of 
Liberalism. 

There arose great opposition in Germany to that 
system, identified with Metternich, whereby the 
politics of the world were to be dominated by a clique 
of great Powers under the aegis of the Holy Alliance. 
There was every prospect that States like Bavaria, 
Wiirtemberg, Baden, and the two Hesses would form 
a Mid-German League antagonistic to the Holy 
Alliance, which would be a serious blow to Austrian 
primacy in Germany. 



THE METTERNICH SYSTEM IN GERMANY 139 

Metternich determined to counteract the influence 
of these Liberal States by enlisting the aid of Prussia, 
of whose support he was fairly certain, in weeding 
out their representatives from the Diet. He hoped, 
however, that he would procure their peaceful recall 
by dangling the bogie of revolution before the eyes 
of the Mid-German States. 

Having at the Congress of Vienna established the 
superiority of Austria in Germany, he resolved to 
lose no time in bringing his influence to bear upon 
Bavaria, the most important of the Mid-German 
States. On his way back from the Congress accord- 
ingly he stopped at Miinchen and handed to the 
King of Bavaria a letter from Francis, suggesting a 
Conference of German Ministers at Vienna, to discuss 
means for so changing the constitution of the Diet as 
to prevent the freedom of the Press and publication 
of debates in the Chambers of those States which had 
constitutions. But Bavaria met him with a point 
blank refusal. 

The Chancellor now suggested to Count Bernsdorff , 
the Prussian Chancellor, that it might be safe to 
trust to a majority of voices in the Diet and lay before 
it measures for changing its own constitution, stopping 
the publication of its Protocols, and shortening the 
period of its sittings. Also it must be pointed out 
to the Diet that by the provisions of the Vienna Final 
Act it was bound to interfere in the internal affairs 
of the various States of Germany. 

Prussia seemed agreeable, but the smaller States 
proved more troublesome than ever. Bavaria especi- 
ally thwarted her in every direction through her 
representative at Vienna. Wiirtemberg went further. 



140 METTERNICH 

and on January 2nd, 1816, sent round a circular to 
her representative at the various courts inveighing 
against the poUcy of the Congress of Vienna on the 
ground that it infringed the Hberties of the smaller 
powers. This circular was published, and it annoyed 
Metternich beyond measure to find that the falsehood 
of his assertions as to the unanimity of German 
support of the Holy Alliance was now bruited abroad. 
Though forced to bide his time he made up his mind 
to be revenged on Wiirtemberg, and a letter of Gentz's 
written in February, complaining that although he 
was confined to his bed with illness Metternich was 
constantly either visiting him or bombarding him with 
dispatches, shows the fluster prevailing at Vienna. 

Metternich now sounded Saxony as to a Conference 
of German Ministers at Vienna. Saxony was grateful 
to Austria for her support of Saxon independence 
at the Congress of Vienna. StiU she hesitated. Metter- 
nich cleverly manoeuvred her in the right direction. 
Being dissatisfied with the energy of Count Buol- 
Schauenstein, the President of the Diet, he took the 
opportunity of recalling him from Frankfurt and 
offering the post to the Saxon Ambassador at Vienna. 
This was accepted, and henceforth Saxony was the 
obedient disciple of Austria. 

Pursuing his policy of cajoling such of the smaller 
States as appeared wedded to Liberal ideas, the 
Chancellor now turned his attention to Baden, a State 
in which Liberalism had hitherto made dangerous 
progress. Metternich took advantage of a misunder- 
standing between the Grand Duke and his Estates to 
persuade the former that the power of the latter 
should be curbed, and managed by his arts of fasciaa- 



THE METTERNICH SYSTEM IN GERMANY 141 

tion to deliberalize the Grand Ducal representative 
to the Diet, The result was that the Grand Duke 
ultimately agreed to support Austrian policy. 

Next came Brunswick. Here also Metternich 
characteristically took advantage of circumstances. 
During the minority of the young Grand Duke Charles, 
this State was being administered by the King of 
England, whose one wish was to be relieved of the 
responsibility. Consequently, Metternich had no diffi- 
culty in inducing him to consent to Charles taking over 
the government at the age of nineteen. The youthful 
ruler, whose despotic temperament had caused Metter- 
nich to make him his protege, ultimately developed 
into such a monster of reaction that even Metternich 
had to confess that he had not entirely gauged his 
character. 

Still Brunswick was gained, and when the Diet of 
1823 opened Metternich was confident of victory. 
At the Congress of Verona, summoned principally to 
settle the Eastern Question, as will be seen hereafter, 
many discussions had taken place between the states- 
men of Austria, Russia, and Prussia regarding German 
affairs, and measures had been agreed upon with a 
view to combating Liberalism and regulating the Diet, 
These measures Metternich proceeded to lay before 
the Diet, Already in December 1822 he had induced 
the Czar and the King of Prussia to establish a secret 
Committee of Enquiry at Mainz for combating " the 
conspirators of Central Europe." The indignation 
aroused by this species of German inquisition was 
only increased by the fresh proposals put before the 
Diet by Metternich on behalf of the Powers. Strong 
opposition was offered by Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, 



142 METTERNICH 

and the two Hesses. The King of Wiirtemberg sent 
forth a circular through his diplomatic agents in 
which he protested against the interference of the 
three Powers in the affairs of other countries and 
their failure to consult the smaller powers of Germany. 
He talked of the Allies as " those who have inherited 
the influence which Napoleon had arrogated to him- 
self in Europe." Metternich was furious. " The 
King of Wiirtemberg," he wrote, " has allowed him- 
self to be carried away by a folly which he will find 
very serious." 

For the moment Metternich had to stifle his wrath. 
He had hoped to overawe all opposition to his pro- 
posals ; as it was, the support which Liberalism 
received from members of the Diet forced him to 
temporize and content himself with a Pyrrhic victory. 
But he determined forthwith, in combination with 
Prussia, to purge the Diet of the elements of opposition. 
He began by demanding the recall of the Hesse 
Darmstadt representative from the Diet, and accom- 
panied the demand with such a threatening dispatch 
that the terrified Court lost no time in yielding. 

It was now Wiirtemberg's turn. Here Metternich 
was determined to have no mercy, for Wiirtemberg 
was an old offender. He drew up a lengthy Memor- 
andum combating the insinuations made against his 
policy in the Wiirtemberg Circular and demanded an 
explanation. The government of Wiirtemberg replied 
through an announcement in the Wiirtemberg Court 
Paper that the circular had been quite unofficial. 
Thereupon Metternich demanded the recall of the 
Wiirtemberg representative at the Diet on the ground 
that he continually opposed Austria's wishes and the 



THE METTERNICH SYSTEM IN GERMANY 143 

supremacy of the Holy Alliance. The Wiirtemberg 
government shilly-shallied, and merely replied that if 
its representative disobeyed his orders he should be 
recalled. This did not satisfy Metternich and the 
Continental Powers withdrew their representative 
from Stuttgart. 

All this time Metternich was complaining of Wiirtem- 
berg in the Diet. In spite of the Carlsbad decrees, 
there was very little Press censorship in Wiirtemberg, 
and a paper called the " German Observer " grated 
especially upon Metternich's sensitive nerves. In an 
article of March 1823 it described the activities of 
the Central Investigation Committee at Mainz as 
unnecessary and unsalutary. Against this paper 
Metternich brought forward a motion in the Diet 
which was supported through fear of Austria by 
nearly all the smaller States. Wiirtemberg, unwilling 
to provoke open hostility, interdicted the " Observer " 
under protest. The Austrian Court replied that it 
hoped the lesson was learnt, and that in future the 
censorship would be stricter and editors more careful. 

Even Baden and Bavaria had by this time suc- 
cumbed to Metternich's threats, and the opposition of 
Wiirtemberg, which now found itself entirely isolated, 
after a few feeble efforts to kick against the pricks 
entirely collapsed. 

Metternich always followed up a victory. Now 
that he felt strong enough to show his hand he de- 
termined to make his opponents support him at all 
hazards, whether by threats of coercion or by playing 
upon their fears of revolution. The success of his 
policy was manifested when the Diet of 1824 opened 
in July. Various reactionary measures were carried 



144 METTERNICH 

without opposition. The Protocols of the sittings 
were no longer to be published, since, in Metternich's 
opinion, its proceedings were not for the public eye. 
The measures against the Universities were to be 
indefinitely prolonged and the powers of the Mainz 
Commission were to be increased This Diet marks 
the zenith of the triumph of Metternich's policy in 
Germany. 

To all appearances German Liberalism was cowed, 
and for nearly six years Metternich was no longer 
disturbed by dreams of a revolution. His system 
was established in Germany, no less completely than 
in Europe, and it was not until the statesmanship of 
Canning and the French revolutions of 1830 and 
1848 had thoroughly shattered Metternich's influence 
in Europe that the revolutionary and reforming party 
in Germany dared to raise their heads. 

But, if it was comparatively easy for Metternich 
to bully the smaller States, Prussia caused him more 
disquiet, though ultimately, as has been seen, he 
gained her temporary adhesion to anti-liberal prin- 
ciples. King Frederick WUliam had promised reforms, 
and his people clamoured for them. Nor was he averse 
to carrying them out. But there were objections, 
and on these objections Metternich and the opponents 
of reform laid stress. He genuinely felt that while 
the country was disorganized and almost bankrupt 
it was dangerous to change the form of its government. 
In any case, he had no desire to see Frederick William 
a constitutional monarch. A system of provincial 
estates was the most that could be conceded. Central 
representation, he wrote to Prince Wittgenstein in 
November 1817, meant " the disintegration of the 



THE METTERNICH SYSTEM IN GERMANY 145 

Prussian states " ; Prussia required " a free and 
sound military strength ; and this does not and 
cannot consist with a purely representative system." 

Metternich, therefore, did everything in his power 
to play upon the misgivings of the Prussian King, 
and events aided him in converting that monarch 
and the Czar as well. Weimar, a great centre of 
Liberalism, supplied Metternich with his first oppor- 
tunity. A festival was held at the Wartburg, the 
Grand Duke's castle at Weimar, to celebrate the Battle 
of Leipzig and the tercentenary of the Reformation. 
The presence of some enthusiastic reformers turned 
the proceedings into a Liberal demonstration, in 
the course of which a pigtail, a Uhlan's stays, and 
a Code of Police Law — sacred symbols of reaction — 
were consumed by an improvised bonfire. 

Metternich saw his chance. He announced to the 
Prussian ambassador that the time had come " to 
rage against the spirit of Jacobitism," and he arranged 
a meeting with Hardenberg. He also persuaded 
Francis to invite Alexander to support a joint inter- 
vention in the affairs of Germany. Alexander refused, 
and advised that a Conference of the Powers should 
be summoned. 

Nothing could have suited Metternich better. He 
felt that a Conference would force the Czar to some 
decisive line of action. He hoped to use recent 
events in Germany as an argument to bring Russia 
into line with Austria. If he accomplished this, 
Austria would be supreme in Germany and Europe, 
for Russia was her only formidable antagonist. It 
was arranged that a Congress should be held at Aix- 
la-Chapelle. 



146 METTERNICH 

Metternich had been absent from Vienna since 
Jiily. He had already adopted the habit of going 
through a cure in the autumn of each year, and in 
1818 he chose Carlsbad, where many of the diplo- 
matists intending to take part in the Congress of 
Aix-la-Chapelle were already gathered. He accom- 
plished the journey from Vienna in forty hours, and 
wrote triumphantly, " They could not do more in 
England or Italy." He was suffering from lumbago, 
and was attended by his private physician, Standen- 
heim, whose advice he professed to follow implicitly. 
" I have arranged," he wrote, " my manner of living 
according to the custom of the place." This implied 
rising at six o'clock in order to take the waters at 
half -past six. Breakfast followed at nine or ten 
o'clock. This was a very pleasant meal. Tables 
were laid in front of the various houses, and those who 
wished had their tables placed together. Metternich 
usually breakfasted with Prince Schwarzenberg, 
whose house was more pleasantly situated than his 
own. After breakfast, he usually went for a walk 
until mid-day. Dinner was at three o'clock. At 
about four Metternich would take another walk of 
two or three miles. At eight he would go to the Salle 
or have a whist party at home. " All Carlsbad is 
in bed at ten." Goethe was also at Carlsbad, and the 
evenings were enlivened by the singing of Madame 
Catahni. Metternich had become acquainted with 
this beautiful woman and famous singer at Florence in 
1816, and at Carlsbad she often rehearsed her songs 
at his lodgings. 

From Carlsbad, Metternich travelled to Konigswart, 
which he reached on August 3rd. In the evening 



THE METTERNICH SYSTEM IN GERMANY 147 

his neighbour, the Abbot of Tepl, dined with him, 
a worthy man, who hved in constant dread that the 
Emperor would secularize his abbey and present it 
to Metternich. 

For a few days the Chancellor amused himself 
inspecting the estate. Many roads and paths were 
being laid out at considerable cost, and he intended 
planting trees on a large scale. Hitherto the peasants 
had recklessly cut down trees all over the estate, but 
were gradually being induced to preserve them. 
From Konigswart, Metternich travelled to Franzensbad. 
Here he heard that his father was in a hopeless state 
of decline, and wrote to console his mother and express 
his regret that he was unable to be present. On the 
following day he received the news of his death, and 
wrote to his mother that the knowledge that his father 
was unconscious consoled him for his absence from 
the death-bed. This melancholy event and his 
separation from his family seems to have had a dis- 
piriting effect upon Metternich's usually cheerful 
disposition. On August 26th, he wrote to his wife, 
" I am feeling very sad. Everything which separates 
us is painful to me, and I feel more and more every 
day the pain of being separated from my dear little 
family. I should like to have you always with me 
or never to leave Vienna." 

In September, Metternich visited for the first time 
the estate at Johannisberg, which he had been given 
as a reward for his services during the struggle against 
Napoleon. Every one who had seen it had been 
delighted with it, and Metternich, in a letter to his 
mother, regretted that his father, " who would have 
taken a thousand times more pleasure in the place 



148 METTERNICH 

than I do," was not among the number. He arrived 
at five o'clock on the evening of the I2th of September, 
" early enough to see from my balcony twenty leagues 
of the course of the Rhine, eight or ten towns, loo 
villages, and vineyards which this year will yield 
twenty millions of wine, intersected by meadows 
and fields like gardens, beautiful oak woods, and an 
immense plain covered with trees which bend beneath 
the weight of delicious fruit. This much without. 
As for within, I find a large and good house of which 
in time a fine chateau may be made. I have spent 
nearly 10,000 florins in the last two months to make 
it what may fairly be called passable. My friend 
Handel has chosen the paper-hangings and furniture. 
The papers he has put on the walls are inconceivable ; 
above all, it is inconceivable where he could have 
found what he has chosen. The evil is, however, 
confined to three rooms ; the rest of the apartments 
are painted in one colour." Metternich wrote his 
wife a description of the stables and the places where 
the wine was made. The latter was superintended 
by a certain Father Arndt, an old man of sixty, who 
" had such a horror of wine that he has not drunk 
one bottle since he has been at Johannisberg ; yet 
he is the best connoisseur of wine in the Canton, but 
he judges of it by his nose. It is sufficient for him 
to smell a bottle of wine to decide its quality, its 
growth, and its year ; he can even distinguish mixtures, 
and has never been known to make a mistake." 
Metternich observes, however, that M. de Handel, 
the chooser of the wall-papers, " seems to have drunk 
aU that Father Arndt has not drunk." 

One day Metternich went over from Johannisberg 



THE METTERNICH SYSTEM IN GERMANY 149 

to revisit his old home at Coblenz. He wrote a 
rather pathetic letter to his mother, describing how 
everything had changed. The old garden reaching 
down to the Moselle was now a field ; the riding- 
school, the coach-house, the hermitage had dis- 
appeared. " The house is in the most pitiable state 
and very dirty." The English garden was replaced 
by a score of large trees, " planted without order." 
All his old acquaintances were gone. " Faithful to 
the custom of the country, all those gentlemen have 
ruined themselves more than the Revolution has 
ruined them. Since I have been here, I have not met 
two people I know." 

On September 23rd, Metternich reluctantly took 
leave of Johannisberg in order to be present at the 
Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle. He joined the Emperor 
Francis at Mainz, and at the commencement of the 
journey to Aix, had the honour of entertaining the 
Emperor and the Prince and Princess of Denmark 
at Johannisberg. The Imperial party thoroughly 
enjoyed the beautiful journey up the Rhine. But it 
was not merely for this reason that Metternich had 
arranged for Francis to travel to Aix by this route. 
" I know the feeling of the people in those districts," 
he wrote to the Emperor on August 26th, " and have 
advised your Majesty's journey by that river because 
I am convinced that it would have the character of 
a triumphal procession. . . . The great difference 
will also be seen between the journey of your Majesty 
and those of the Emperor Alexander and the King of 
Prussia, and this will certainly be for the advantage 
of Austria." 

The extraordinary enthusiasm which attended the 



150 METTERNICH 

Emperor's progress proved that Metternich was right. 
At Cologne and at every stopping-place the populace 
gave him an ovation, and showed that the old reverence 
for the traditional wearers of the Imperial crown 
still lived. " The voyage on the Rhine," wrote 
Metternich, " has been one continual triumph for the 
Emperor, and has ended by becoming quite embar- 
rassing to him. The whole thing recommenced on 
his arrival at Aix. Everything breathes of the 
Empire in the natal city so beloved of Charlemagne. 
The people see in the Emperor only his successor." 
The scene in the Cathedral, whither the Emperor 
together with the Czar and the King of Prussia went 
to see the relics and skull of Charlemagne, was most 
impressive. The Emperor knelt upon the tomb and 
prayed. " The people, who had forced the doors 
to see the Emperor, aU fell on their knees instantly, 
and I thought the King (of Prussia) seemed very un- 
comfortable, standing in the midst of his people." 

Even a bad cold and the dullness of Lady Castle- 
reagh's entertainments could not damp Metternich's 
satisfaction with the results of the Congress. Of 
amusements, indeed, there was a great lack. He 
played whist every evening " with men," he blandly 
observes, " who do not find themselves distressed or 
even incommoded by the loss of a good round thou- 
sand or so." Aix was inundated with youthful 
prodigies, who performed at daily concerts. " The 
last arrival," Metternich plaintively remarks, " is a 
little boy of four years and a half old, who plays the 
double bass. You can easily judge of the perfection 
of the execution." Shops were bad and costly, and 
no one bought more than was absolutely necessary. 



THE METTERNICH SYSTEM IN GERMANY 151 

The ladies, even, did not appeal to Metternich. " Our 
ladies here," he wrote, " are Lady Castlereagh, three 
or four English more or less old — that is they are 
between fifty and sixty, quite youthful for London, 
— the Princess de la Tour, Madame de Nesselrode, 
and three Russian ladies. It is with the ladies as 
with the shopkeepers ; there is a total want of 
admirers." 

On November 3rd arrived Lawrence, " the greatest 
painter in the world," sent by command of the Prince 
Regent to take portraits of the Sovereigns and 
Ministers assembled at Aix. " My portrait," ^ wrote 
Metternich, " I believe will be excellent, I shall try 
to get Lawrence to paint Clementine." 

As regards the serious business of the Congress, 
Metternich himself, from the first, was full of hope. 
He had broken his journey at Frankfort, where the 
Diet was sitting. That dilatory body had for months 
been engaged in a debate on the military organization 
of the Confederation — without result. Metternich's 
presence applied the spur, and in a couple of sittings 
secured a settlement of the principles of the measure 
to be proposed. This tickled his pride. " You 
can have no idea," he wrote to his wife, " of the effect 
produced by my presence at the Diet. An affair 
which would perhaps never have ended has been 
concluded in three or four days. ... I have become 
a species of moral power in Germany, and, perhaps, 
even in Europe." ^ 

1 The portrait of Metternich, painted by Lawrence, is in the 
Imperal Picture-Gallery in Vienna. 

* " Autobiography of Prince Metternich," English translation, 
vol. iv. p. 64. 



152 METTERNICH 

The Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle was typical of the 
period. The actual sittings as a rule only lasted 
from noon to two or three o'clock, and the real business 
of the Congress was to a great extent transacted in 
the course of private conversation and at the numerous 
soirees, of which Metternich's were the most fre- 
quented. As at Vienna, women played no small 
part in the negotiations. Chateaubriand, the French 
representative, brought with him the famous Madame 
Recamier for the express purpose of furthering French 
interests. The Czar, the King of Prussia, and most 
of the Ministers succumbed to her charms. Metternich 
alone pronounced her " beautiful but stupid," but 
this was probably due to the fact that this versatile 
lover was at present under the influence of the Princess 
Lieven, wife of the Russian ambassador in London. 

For Austria circumstances seemed favourable. A 
Tory government in England, a crippled France, a 
Prussia inclined to relapse into reactionary paths, 
promised her a free hand. Only Russia was doubtful, 
and three timely incidents converted even Alexander. 
Before the Congress met, a secret society was dis- 
covered amongst the officers of the Russian army ; and 
the effect of this upon his mind was heightened by an 
attempt to kidnap him during his journey to Aix. 
Towards the end of the Congress a Russian agent 
in Germany published a pamphlet condemning revo- 
lutionary tendencies in Germany. This attracted 
the wrath of the reformers towards Russia, and the 
Czar, disgusted with their ingratitude, was inclined 
to support Metternich's endeavours to direct the 
unwonted unanimity of the Powers against the forces 
of Liberalism in Germany. For " never before and 



THE METTERNICH SYSTEM IN GERMANY 153 

never since have the Great Powers . . . presented 
so united a front." The Baden succession, the quarrel 
between Sweden, Denmark, and Hesse, and the ques- 
tion of the evacuation of France by the AUied troops had 
all been amicably settled. The only point of dispute 
between Austria and Russia — the admission of France 
to the Holy Alliance — had, thanks to England's 
support of Metternich, been decided in the negative. 

The Congress was, in fact, a great triumph for the 
Austrian Chancellor. The moral influence of Austria 
in European politics had been demonstrated to all the 
world, the antagonism of Russia to Austria had been 
neutralized, and Alexander had practically been 
diverted from the paths of Liberalism. Further, 
the way had been smoothed for united opposition 
to " revolution," as Metternich called it, by all the 
Powers. Metternich might justifiably write from 
Aix, " I have never seen a prettier little Congress," 
and again, " I believe that we shall gain honour in 
Europe. I have never seen more perfect agreement 
between the Cabinets ; our affairs — the rough as 
well as the smooth — ran as if they went of themselves." 
Only a very slight stimulus was now required to 
secure Prussia's hearty co-operation with Austria in 
" raging against Jacobinism." That stimulus was 
provided by the murder of Kotzebue, " a senseless 
crime," which " did more than a thousand arguments 
to bring about the triumph of Metternich's policy." 
Kotzebue was a poet and pamphleteer on the re- 
actionary side, who had, moreover, incurred much 
hatred for his pro-Russian views. His murderer, 
a half-insane student, Karl Sand, was acclaimed by 
many as the champion of freedom, a circumstance 



154 METTERNICH 

which not unnaturally threw the German govern- 
ments into the greatest consternation. 

After the conclusion of the Congress of Aix-la- 
Chapelle, Metternich had accompanied the Emperor 
Francis on a journey to Italy. 

The Imperial party started from Vienna in March 
and arrived at Florence on the 15th in very wintry 
weather. They accomplished the last stage of the 
journey from Bologna to Florence in nine hours, 
" at a quick trot with eight horses," and had nothing 
to complain of on the way, " except excess of atten- 
tion." At Florence, which, as Metternich remarks, 
was " full of English," a f^te was given in honour of 
the Emperor on the 22nd in front of the Palazzo 
Vecchio. At the end of the month the Imperial 
party travelled to Rome. 

Metternich, who lodged in the Consulta, was agree- 
ably surprised with Rome. He had expected to find 
it " old and sombre," instead of " antique and superb, 
brilliant and new." He admired the fine view of the 
city which his windows commanded, and was delighted 
with the Pope, by whom he was received and who 
"laughed constantly" during an interview in which 
he seemed to enjoy talking of his troubles under 
Bonaparte's persecution. 

The visitors were present at a succession of grand 
religious ceremonies, and Metternich graphically de- 
scribes to his wife how the crowds of foreigners and 
general crush led to free fights with the Papal guards. 
" GeneraUj' blood flows," is his cheerful comment. 
" Yesterday, for instance, an English lady, fancying 
herself stronger than a guard, had her cheek pierced 
by a halberd. One hears nothing but cries of, " My 



THE METTERNICH SYSTEM IN GERMANY 155 

shoe," " My veil," " You are crushing me," " Your 
sword is running into my leg." One Englishman had 
his nose cut off. On the whole Metternich did not 
think the ceremonies very impressive. " I cannot 
understand how a Protestant can turn Catholic at 
Rome. Rome is like a most magnificent theatre with 
very bad actors. Keep what I saw to yourself, for 
it will run through all Vienna, and I love rehgion 
and its triumph too much to wish to cast a slur upon 
it." More to his taste was a firework display at the 
Castle of St Angelo, " the most beautiful I have ever 
seen." 

From Rome the Imperial party travelled to Naples, 
where they arrived on April 30th, and remained for 
over a month. Metternich thoroughly enjoyed him- 
self. He visited all the surrounding places of in- 
terest, Baiae, Pozzuoli, Paestum, Tivoli, Pompeii, and 
recommended his wife to read the beginning of the 
sixth book of Virgil's " ^Eneid," which treats of that 
region of Italy. He found the ascent of Vesuvius 
very exhausting. " God never made Vesuvius to be 
climbed by men." But he was well rewarded for his 
exertions. " I could scarcely tear myself away from 
a spectacle full of beauties beyond description, and 
at the same time fuU of awe impossible to describe," 

In the evening he amused himself at the Opera 
House, " unquestionably the most beautiful in 
Europe." There were 180 boxes, and 6000 spectators 
could be seated. By June loth the Emperor and his 
suite were back in Rome, where they viewed the 
procession of Corpus Christi, and shortly afterwards 
commenced the return journey to Germany, necessi- 
tated by the news of the murder of Kotzebue. 



156 METTERNICH 

Metternich, on hearing the news of Kotzebue's 
murder, saw that his opportunity had come for 
convincing those who were as yet unconvinced of 
the necessity for strong measures. On AprU 7th 
he wrote, " Poor Kotzebue now appears as an argu- 
mentum ad hominem which even the Liberal Duke of 
Saxe- Weimar cannot defend," and later to his wife, 
" By the help of God I hope to defeat the German 
Revolution, even as I have vanquished the conqueror 
of the world. The German revolutionists thought 
me far away because I was a hundred leagues off. 
They have deceived themselves ; I am in the midst 
of them, and I will now deal out my blows. You will 
observe a singular coincidence between the discoveries 
and arrests in Prussia and Germany and my passage 
of the Alps." 

A meeting between the Emperors of Russia and 
Austria and the King of Prussia and their ministers 
had been arranged to take place at Teplitz. Metter- 
nich and his master made the return journey via 
Verona and Innsbruck. At the latter town Metternich 
began to feel the contrast to the warmth of Italy, 
" I, who scarcely six days ago," he wrote on July i6th, 
" drank a large glass of iced orangeade every night 
before going to bed, will this evening drink hot punch 
to prevent myself freezing." From Innsbruck the 
journey lay through Carlsbad and thence to Teplitz. 
The latter town had memories for Metternich. " I 
am writing to you," he informed his wife, " in the 
same room and on the same table where I signed the 
Quadruple Alliance six years ago. Everything has 
changed since then except myself." 

At Teplitz the measures to be taken against the 



THE METTERNICH SYSTEM IN GERMANY 157 

revolutionary organizations were practically settled 
upon by the sovereigns before being brought before 
the Diet. 

Metternich's proposals were comprehensive and 
drastic. He demanded the suspension of the freedom 
of the press, the appointment of a commission to 
purge the German universities of professors suspected 
of Liberal leanings, and the formation in the name of 
the whole Bund of a judicial commission to investigate 
the conspiracy alleged to exist for the dissolution of 
the German Confederation, Francis at once signi- 
fied his approval. Frederick WiUiam hesitated. But 
Mettemich took him in hand at Teplitz, and plainly 
stated that Prussia was the focus of revolutionary 
ideas and movements in Germany, and that if Frederick 
William persisted in granting a Constitution, he would 
receive no help from Austria. 

Having secured the reluctant adhesion of the King 
of Prussia to his proposals, it was Metternich's in- 
tention to get them approved by the Diet, and to 
increase the executive powers of that body for the 
purpose of combating Liberalism — a good illustration 
of the fact that he had no wish to abolish the Diet, 
or even to diminish its power, so long as its authority 
was used to further Austrian aims. 

Accordingly, Metternich proceeded to Carlsbad to 
lay his proposals before a conference of German 
ministers. 

During the journey from Teplitz to Carlsbad, 
Metternich had an amusing discussion with the 
Austrian Consul-General at Leipzig on the subject of 
clouds. The Consul-General affirmed that clouds 
were divided into two classes — male and female. 



158 IMETTERNICH 

So long as they were scattered they were harmless. 
But if allowed to marry they produced rain, thunder, 
and noise, and became objectionable. 

The Ministers assembled at Carlsbad accepted 
Metternich's proposals without demur. " The Ger- 
man Cabinets," he wrote on September 3rd, " have 
met together as if they were members of the same 
family." 

To gain the approval of the Diet was merely a 
matter of manipulation. True, the Grand Duke of 
Weimar protested against the clause about the super- 
vision of universities, a protest which Metternich 
contemptuously aUuded to as " childish stuff." Also 
it was necessary to obtain a unanimous vote of the 
Diet. By means of a cleverly worded circular, how- 
ever, in which he stated that the widespread secret 
organizations of Italy had spread to Germany, and 
that Germany in general and Prussia especially were 
honeycombed with factions, Metternich frightened 
many doubters into acquiescence. He took measures 
to render innocuous the opposition of the stalwarts. 
The Diet passed the decrees in four sittings, and it 
was falsely proclaimed that the voting had been 
unanimous. Thus was proved the ascendancy of 
Austria in the Diet. 

After the successful conclusion of the Carlsbad 
Conference, Metternich spent nearly a week at Konigs- 
wart before returning to Vienna. He appreciated 
the peace and quiet of the place, the " enormous 
forests, high mountains, wide valleys, much water, 
lovely streams," after his recent life of sight-seeing, 
travel, and strenuous political activity. He amused 
himself by arranging the old family portraits. 



THE METTERNICH SYSTEM IN GERMANY 159 

These included a picture of himself as a boy of live 
years old. "I must have been a most ill-favoured 
child," he wrote in relation to this portrait, " or the 
painter not extremely clever." With characteristic 
extravagance he had just had a road constructed 
seven miles long at a cost of one hundred and thirty 
thousand guilders. 

On September 8th, he started for Vienna. He 
had to pass through Prague. " I never come to 
Prague," he wrote to his wife, " without thinking I 
hear midnight strike. Six years ago at that hour 
I dipped my pen to declare war with the man of 
the century — the man of St Helena — to kindle the 
beacon which was the signal for a hundred thousand 
men of the Allied troops to cross the frontier." 

The reason of Metternich's return to Vienna was 
that there were still some questions relative to the 
position of the Diet requiring to be settled, notably 
whether Article XHI. should or should not be put 
into force. A conference of Ministers was accordingly 
summoned to Vienna. Metternich showed great 
moderation, considering his recent triumph. This 
was partly in order to conciliate some of the smaller 
States, who were piqued at their exclusion from the 
Carlsbad Conference. Moreover, he found that the 
Liberal element presented a more solid front at 
Vienna than had been the case at Carlsbad, and 
received the support of Russia and England. The 
Kings of Bavaria and Wurtemberg especially vigor- 
ously opposed the abolition of Article XIH. The 
former had promised, the latter had actually granted, 
a constitution to his subjects, and neither wished to 
perjure themselves. 



160 METTERNICH 

In the end the Vienna Final Act, as it was called, 
proved little more than a clearer definition of the 
principles of the Federal Act of 1815. Metternich relin- 
quished his objection to publicity of debate and to the 
sanctioning of constitutions by the Diet. He felt that 
a little moderation would give the smaller States con- 
fidence in Austria and induce them to rally round her. 
Besides, his control of the Diet enabled him to render 
abortive the most determined efforts of Liberalism. 

Metternich now took up his residence at Vienna for 
the rest of the winter. Soon after his arrival he had 
the pleasure of meeting General Marmont, whom he 
only knew slightly, and whom he describes as "an 
intellectual man," partly no doubt because science 
proved a mutual hobby. 

Metternich himself has provided us with a descrip- 
tion of his mansion in Vienna, which must have been 
very fine. His favourite apartment, approached 
through a spacious anteroom, was the library, in the 
midst of which stood his much prized " Venus " by 
Canova, and which contained about 15,000 volumes. 
This room was also used for ball suppers. Leading 
out of the library was Metternich's private study, full 
of works of art, " pictures, busts, bronzes, astronomical 
clocks, and all kinds of instruments." It contained 
three writing-tables ; for, wrote the Chancellor, " I like 
to change my place, and I do not like to be disturbed 
at my desk by anyone else writing at the same table." 

Though fond of Vienna, Metternich often longed 
for the country. In February he wrote, " I reaUy 
hunger and thirst for my garden in the Rennweg ; 
for a whole long month I have not been able to pay 
it a visit." He constantly regrets that he has not 



THE METTERNICH SYSTEM IN GERMANY 161 

the time to visit his numerous estates scattered over 
Austria. " I have estates which I have never seen, 
and among them some which I hear travellers describe 
as Paradise. Among others a castle on the Lake of 
Constance, which commands the whole lake and gives 
a panorama of Switzerland." 

In the middle of March Metternich's daughter, 
Clementine, fell ill, which caused him much worry and 
anxiety, especially as he was at this time very busy. 
" I go," he wrote, " from my writing-table to the 
sick bed and back again." Clementine lingered on 
until the middle of April, when she became rapidly 
worse, and finally died on May 5th.i Father and 
mother were both overcome with grief. " My wife," 
wrote Metternich, " does not leave the room in which 
my daughter died. She has collected round her every- 
thing which belonged to her, I cannot enter the 
room without tears and I soon return to my business, 
which makes a barrier between me and myself." 

At the end of May Metternich left Vienna for 
Prague in order to attend the wedding of the Archduke 
Rainer to the Princess of Carignan. Then, after a 
short stay at Carlsbad, he spent nearly a month at 
Konigswart. Since his last visit he had set up two 
manufactories of earthenware, one of which made 
jugs for the Marienbad water, the other pots for 
cooking purposes. He had no less than twenty-two 

^ At the time of the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle, Sir Thomas 
Lawrence, the great Enghsh painter, had met Clementine walking 
with her governess, and, struck by her beauty, asked Metternich if 
he might paint her portrait. During her illness Clementine often 
inquired after the progress of her picture, which Lawrence had 
taken back with him to England to complete. It arrived in time 
for her to see it ere she died. 



162 METTERNICH 

springs of mineral waters on the estate, and at one place 
had constructed public baths. He was also building a 
family vault and chapel in the Egyptian style, which was 
unfortunately burnt in 1820 soon after its completion. 

From Konigswart the Chancellor travelled to 
Coburg on a visit to the Duke and Duchess, who 
treated him with great ceremony. " I was con- 
ducted to my abode," he sarcastically observes, " like 
the Holy Father in the procession of Corpus Christi." 

Towards the end of July Metternich paid a visit to 
his mother at Baden, but was hurriedly recalled to 
Vienna by the news of the Neapolitan revolution. 
Here another domestic bereavement awaited him — 
the second within the year — for Marie died on July 
25th after a very brief illness. Apart from the fact 
that all Metternich's family seem to have had delicate 
lungs, there is little doubt that the family mansion 
in Vienna was from some cause unhealthy. No less 
than eight of its inmates had died of illness within 
twenty years. At any rate, Metternich agreed with 
his wife that Vienna did not suit the children, and it 
was arranged that while the Chancellor remained in 
Austria the Princess, together with the three remain- 
ing children and Marie's widower,^ should take up 
their abode in Paris. 

With good reason Metternich had written during 
the Carlsbad Conference, " the Weimar clique is in 
great anxiety." The Carlsbad Decrees are the high 
watermark of Austrian influence in Germany. They 
mark the success of Metternich's policy of using the 
Diet as a bulwark against all progress in Germany 
and as an instrument of Austrian diplomacy. " The 

1 Count Joseph Ester hazy. 




Photo. Lo7i'y 
PRINCESS CLEMENTINE METTERNICH, DAUGHTER OF THE 
CHANCELLOR 



THE METTERNICH SYSTEM IN GERMANY 163 

dawn of a new era of salvation " had arisen, and 
Metternich joyfully wrote, " if the Emperor doubts 
that he is Kaiser of Germany he is much mistaken." 
In truth for Austria, as Metternich told Francis, 
" the Carlsbad Congress had the most happy results." 
" If the alliance of the European Powers," he con- 
tinued, " has shown how beneficially the principle 
of strength gained by the union of many for the general 
welfare acts in relation to politics, the example of 
Carlsbad shows the world that the union of govern- 
ments for salutary legislative ends is not less possible 
and is equally productive of results." 

The Carlsbad Decrees were a vindictive act of 
frightened despotism. Quite apart from the inherent 
injustice and severity of their provisions, they put 
back the clock of German progress for a quarter of a 
century. They widened the breach between sovereigns 
and people, and rendered Liberalism desperate. 
Metternich and the Austrian government gained 
thereby a reputation for sinister bigotry, which was 
greater than they perhaps deserved. Yet from the 
Austrian and Metternich's point of view they were 
invaluable. Revolutionary movements were im- 
minent all over Europe, threatening that stability in 
politics which was a necessity for the very existence 
of the Austrian Empire. If only Germany could be 
kept quiet, if only German Liberal movements could 
be effectively stifled, Austrian statesmen would have 
their hands free to deal with pressing outside problems. 
This is the justification for the Carlsbad Decrees. 
As a far-seeing and statesmanlike measure they were 
deplorable ; as a practical, temporary, patriotic, 
political experiment, they were entirely successful. ^ 



CHAPTER IX 

THE SYSTEM IN ITALY 

Metternich's various visits to Italy — The conditions prevailing in 
the several States of Italy — The stifling of nationality and in- 
dividuality in the Italian provinces ruled by Austria — Metternich 
is aware of the prevalent evils, but professes to attribute them to 
the presence of Russian revolutionary agents — The outbreak of the 
Neapolitan Revolution gives Metternich an opportunity of employ- 
ing the Holy AUiance as a means towards Austrian aggrandisement 
— The Congresses of Troppau and Laibach enhance Metternich's 
prestige — Austrian troops restore order in Naples — A revolution in 
Piedmont is easily suppressed — Opposition only whets the harshness 
of Austrian rule in Italy — Predominant position of Austria in 
Europe 

ONE reason why Metternich had sought so strenu- 
ously to curb German Liberahsm was the 
necessity of combating revolutionary movements 
in Italy. 

Metternich was no stranger to Italy. Even before 
his visit in the suite of the Emperor Francis in 1819 
he had twice travelled in the Peninsular. In the 
spring of 1816 what he had intended to be a flying 
visit was prolonged by a complaint in one of his eyes, 
and in the following year he escorted to Leghhorn 
the Archduchess Leopoldene, who had just been 
married by proxy to the Crown Prince of Portugal 
and was on her way to her new home. 

The party traversed North Italy by easy stages, 
stopping amongst other places at Padua, Venice, 
Ferrara, Bologna, and Florence. In letters to his 

164 



THE SYSTEM IN ITALY 165 

wife and others Metternich characteristically describes 
his experiences and impressions. At Venice he was 
chiefly impressed with the late hours observed by the 
inhabitants. " The people are in the streets till day- 
break, the cafes close at five in the morning." Every- 
thing delighted him, weather, gondolas, the big tents 
erected in the Piazza in front of St Mark's, the women. 
" The only ugly thing I have seen," he wrote to his 
wife, " are those horrible old witches one meets 
everywhere, their grey hair streaming in the wind, 
and all having bouquets of roses or perhaps one 
great rose fastened to their horrid old wigs " ; and 
he enclosed a sketch of " one of these nymphs of the 
Lagoons." On the journey from Venice to Florence 
some of the roads were terrible, and between Rovigo 
and Lagoscuro, at the point where the road crossed 
the Po, the only choice was between " being drowned 
in the Po or smothered by the dust of a narrow 
causeway." 

Everj^where the party were magnificently enter- 
tained, especially at Bologna and Ferrara. At the 
latter town the Cardinal-Legate arranged a concert 
" in one of the great theatres, not being able to give 
us a play, which, for want of spectators, can only be 
managed once or twice a year." At Bologna Metter- 
nich was delighted to find that the Librarian of the 
University could talk " thirty languages," although 
he had never left Bologna and " never had a master." 
Hindoostanee and Chinese were the only tongues which 
embarrassed him. After the arrival of the Arch- 
duchess' suite at Florence, Metternich wrote to his 
wife describing all he had seen, which " far surpasses 
my expectation." He went into ecstasies over the 



166 METTERNICH 

art-treasures, the flowers, even the " luccioli " of 
Florence. " Great God ! " he exclaims, " what men 
they were in past times," and again, " I protest that 
the Grand Duke is the richest man in the world." 
He was pleased to find that the Venus de Medici was 
much better placed in the Pitti Palace than it had been 
in Paris. Before leaving Florence Metternich pur- 
chased " a charming copy of Canova's Venus and an 
enormous alabaster vase, at a ridiculous price." 
Besides exhausting the sights of Florence itself, 
Metternich made excursions to Fiesole and Pisa. 

On July i8th, the Archduchess arrived at Leghorn, 
only to learn that the Portuguese squadron, " this 
devil of a fleet," as Metternich impatiently called it, 
which was to escort her to Lisbon, was many days 
overdue. Metternich, after visiting an American 
man-of-war lying in the harbour, which in his opinion 
surpassed such English ships as he had seen in appear- 
ance and neatness, though not in respect to the 
physique of the crew, went off to Lucca, " the most 
charming spot in the world," for a course of baths. 
On the 26th news came that the Portuguese squadron 
had arrived, but on being informed that it would 
take at least ten days to re-victual, Metternich re- 
mained at Lucca, convinced that " the Portuguese 
are the slowest people in the world." It was at 
length arranged that the Archduchess should set 
sail on August 15th. The Ex-Empress Marie Louise 
came to Leghorn to bid her sister farewell, and 
numerous festivities attended the handing over of 
the bride to her husband's subjects. The Portuguese 
gave a grand dinner in her honour, which " did not 
do credit to the cook of his Imperial and Royal 



THE SYSTEM IN ITALY 167 

Apostolic Majesty." The Crown Princess had luxuri- 
ous quarters on the flagship, the "Jean VI.," and a 
large suite of attendants. Metternich found the ship 
loaded with " cows, calves, pigs, sheep, 4000 fowls, some 
hundreds of ducks, and from four to five hundred 
canaries, as well as large and small birds from Brazil." 
" The Ark of old Noah," he comments, " was a child's 
toy in comparison with the ' Jean VI.' " 

While he was still at Florence, Metternich had the 
pleasure of writing to inform his wife that she had 
been decorated by the Emperor Francis with the 
Order of St Elizabeth. He enclosed the ribbon, which 
ought to have been rose-coloured but had been turned 
by the sea-air into a sort of straw colour. " The 
Order itself," he wrote, " is superb ; it is generally 
given only to Queens and Princesses of the blood." 

Metternich's eye, which had again been causing 
him trouble, rapidly improved under the care of 
Dr Jaeger, a famous Italian oculist. This doctor 
astonished Metternich by his tales of the ignorance 
of surgery and medicine prevalent in Italy, aggravated 
by a law which enacted that only the blind might beg, 
and thus encouraged poor people to do their utmost 
to make themselves blind. On one occasion a poor 
man, whose sight Dr Jaeger had offered to restore, 
asked if the Doctor was also prepared to undertake 
his maintenance. 

After the departure of the Portuguese squadron, 
Metternich remained a few days at Leghorn and then 
returned to Lucca, which he did not leave until 
August 30th. At both places he entertained the 
principal inhabitants. He then proceeded to pay 
brief visits to the Courts of Parma and Modena and 



168 METTERNICH 

to Marie Louise at Carrara, after which he returned 
to Vienna. 

In the Italian Peninsula Austria was practically 
supreme. The North was either directly ruled from 
Vienna, as in the case of Lombardy and Venice, or by 
Austrian Archdukes, as in the case of Tuscany and 
Modena. In the South, Austria had restored the 
Bourbons to the throne of Naples, where the incom- 
parable Ferdinand proceeded under Austrian auspices 
to undo most of what his predecessor, Murat, had 
accomplished. 

Metternich, himself, always regarded Italy as an 
Austrian " sphere of influence," in which no one 
else must meddle. At the Congress of Vienna, when 
Talleyrand suggested that the affairs of Italy ought 
to be discussed, Metternich rejoined that Italy was 
merely a " geographical expression." Metternich 
even had some idea of forming an Italian Federation 
under Austrian leadership, and the Pope's strenuous 
opposition to this scheme strengthened the Austrian 
Minister's dislike of ultra-montane influence. 

Perhaps the least unhappy portions of Italy were 
those presided over by independent rulers of the 
Hapsburg House, who were not entirely at the beck 
and call of the Court of Vienna, and permitted some 
measure of liberty to filter through the institutions 
of their dominions. But the provinces ruled directly 
from Vienna were fuU of misery. Liberal aspirations 
were as strong in Italy as elsewhere. Yet nowhere 
were they more throttled and discouraged. There 
was no sentimental tie between Austria and her 
Italian possessions, and she attempted to substitute 
for it a system of closely centralized government. 



THE SYSTEM IN ITALY 169 

Everything was worked from Vienna ; all officials 
were Austrian, and all initiative was deprecated. 
The Archdukes, Antony and Rainer, who were suc- 
cessively placed in charge of the Lombardo- Venetian 
territories, though not unwilling to give rein to milder 
sentiments were not allowed a free hand, while 
officials who seemed too leniently disposed to Italian 
Liberalism were constantly being recalled. Education 
was discouraged in accordance with the Emperor's 
view that " obedient subjects were more desirable 
than enlightened citizens," and the Emperor's visit 
to Italy in 1815, which had raised high hopes of better 
things, especially at Venice, proved utterly barren 
of results. Enterprise in trade was systematically 
stifled ; and although taxation continued to increase 
Italian commercial prosperity miserably declined. 

Metternich was not ignorant of the parlous condi- 
tion of North Italy. In 1817 a commission was 
appointed to report on Italian affairs. The result of 
its investigations was to convince Metternich that 
the prevalent discontent in the Austrian provinces 
was due partly to natural causes and the general 
imrest, but chiefly to bad government. He even 
suggested that some form of self-government might 
be devised in Lombardo- Venetia in order to counter- 
act the idea that Austria wished to Germanize Italy. 
This was not likely to meet with the approval of 
Francis, who, in answer to a deputation asking for 
a constitution presided over by an Austrian Prince, 
had exclaimed that the Lombards must forget that 
they were Italians. Metternich also suggested that 
it would be well to admit some native Italians to 
public offices and to arrange for the quicker dispatch 



170 METTERNICH 

of business. Happily, he reported, good relations 
existed between the clergy and the government, and 
although the revolutionary sects were very powerful, 
especially in Genoa and Bologna, yet they had no 
leaders of repute, and so long as no foreign Power 
intervened were not dangerous. Russia was the only 
danger in this respect. The presence of Russian 
agents among the discontented Italians was a constant 
bugbear to Metternich. He talked to the Austrian 
Ambassador in London of the " pitiable creatures " 
composing the Russian Cabinet, who devoted their 
whole efforts to intriguing against the conservative 
principles of Austria. To Gentz he wrote in 1819, 
" If Russian agents did not go about in Italy and 
encourage the sects to hopes founded on the Liberalism 
of the Emperor Alexander there would be hardly any 
active agitation in the minds of the people. Italians 
talk loud but do not act." Four years afterwards he 
wrote, " Three or four years ago Italy swarmed with 
them, and every individual of them openly preached 
revolt, though he gave it to be understood that he 
was no agent of his Government. Is it credible at 
the present moment that during the journey of the 
Grand Duke Michael, La Harpe, who accompanied 
him, was received in every city by a club of the 
Carbonari, to whom he promised the Emperor's 
support ? " There is little doubt that Metternich 
exaggerated the influence of foreign agents in exciting 
discontent in Italy. It was convenient to conceal 
the real reason — Austrian misrule. For quite apart 
from the fact that he had the information of the 1817 
Commission, he accompanied Francis to Italy in 1819 
and was able to observe both the sullen demeanour 



THE SYSTEM IN ITALY 171 

of the people and the evidences of misgovernment. 
He did indeed suggest that intercommunication should 
be encouraged between Austrian manufacturers and 
Italian retailers, and greater facilities should be 
granted to youths entering commercial or literary 
professions for learning the Italian languages. But 
undoubtedly Metternich either did not wish or had 
not the courage to grapple with the root of the evil. 
He was content to deplore the wicked machinations 
of foreign mischief-makers, and at the same time to 
allow the Austrian dominions in Italy to be adminis- 
tered by men who had no stake in the country, 
who neither cared for nor understood the Italian 
people, and who really instituted a definite system 
of Germanizing Italy. 

The eyes of European statesmen were first attracted 
to Italy by an outbreak not in the Austrian Provinces 
but in the Bourbon kingdom of Naples. As a result 
of a military revolution in July 1820 King Ferdinand 
was forced by his people to grant them a constitution, 
which he swore, with an admirable appearance of 
sincerity, to observe and defend. 

Metternich's attitude towards the Neapolitan 
revolution is an excellent example of his method of 
adapting the principles of the Holy Alliance, in regard 
to the intervention of the Powers in the affairs of 
individual States, to the needs and interests of Austrian 
policy. Lately he had been propounding the doctrine 
of non-intervention. In the spring there had been a 
revolution in Spain, which ultimately spread to 
Portugal. In the latter country the mob insulted 
the Austrian Ambassador, which called forth the 
anger of the Chancellor. But both here and in 



172 METTERNICH 

Spain he insisted that matters should be allowed to 
take their own course. The Czar was anxious to 
march Russian troops across Europe into the Spanish 
Peninsular to quell the revolts, but Metternich would 
not hear of it. Spain, he said, was suffering from 
a material complaint, whUe Europe was afflicted 
morally. Whatever he meant by this it was plain 
that he would have no Russian intervention, which 
might be detrimental to Austrian influence. Even 
when it was ultimately arranged that France should 
undertake the task of restoring absolutism in Spain, 
Metternich was at first apprehensive that the French 
would become as preponderant in the Spanish Penin- 
sular as the Austrians were in the Italian. 

Yet in spite of these professions of the non-interven- 
tion principle Metternich had no hesitation in intrigu- 
ing against the King of Portugal, who seemed inclined 
to abide by the constitution which he had been forced 
to accept, and in promoting an absolutist reaction 
which ultimately compelled him to rescind it. In 
Switzerland, too, on which the Austrian Chancellor 
always kept a paternal eye, he insisted upon the 
appointment of a censor, the suspension of the Liberty 
of the Press and the suppression of Liberal publications. 

It is not surprising, then, that in Italy Metternich 
soon showed that he had every intention of intervening. 
Italy was in perilous proximity to the Austrian 
Empire ; there was danger of contagion if revolution 
was allowed to thrive. King Ferdinand had at 
once written for advice to Metternich, who communi- 
cated with the Czar and the King of Prussia. What 
Metternich particularly did not want was a European 
Congress. He had no wish to see the problems of 



THE SYSTEM IN ITALY 178 

Italian Government investigated by the Powers. He 
wanted Austria, and Austria alone, to interfere. 
This did not suit the Czar, who saw an opportunity 
of bringing the Holy Alliance into prominence by 
means of a Congress ; and pressed for a meeting of 
the representatives of the Powers. Great Britain 
and France supported him. 

In the end a conference was arranged to take place 
at Troppau. It commenced deliberations on October 
2oth. AU Metternich's efforts were directed to pro- 
curing a free hand for Austria. He issued a cleverly 
worded Circular to the Powers, claiming that their 
interests in respect of the Neapolitan Question were 
identical with those of Austria. AU the Powers were 
interested in maintaining the Treaties of 1815 ; 
movements such as the recent revolution in Italy 
threatened the stability of the Treaties ; consequently 
all that had to be settled were the means to be taken 
to deal with the situation. Circulars proved less 
efficacious in the case of the Czar than quiet talks 
with Metternich over a cup of tea. The Austrian 
statesman exerted all his powers of fascination to 
gild the pill of Austrian intervention in Italy. Fortune 
aided him. A mutiny occurred in a regiment of 
Russian guards. Alexander believed that it was part 
of a Liberal plot to distract him from the business 
of the Congress. " This shows," wrote Metternich, 
" how much the Czar has changed." Indeed, if we 
may believe Metternich, Alexander made an abject 
confession of his former errors. " To-day I deplore all 
that I said and did between the years 1815 and 1818. 
I regret the time lost ; we must study to retrieve it." 

When, therefore, the scene of the deliberations of 



174 METTERNICH 

the Congress was shifted to Laibach, Metternich 
could count upon the support of the Czar. Ferdinand, 
with characteristic perfidy, deserted his people and 
his newly-granted Constitution, and declared his 
willingness to attend the Congress of Laibach. Here 
Metternich easily convinced him that he had taken 
the oath of fidelity to the Constitution under com- 
pulsion and was not bound to adhere to it. The 
Neapolitan Foreign Minister, the Duke of Gallo, was 
accordingly summoned to Laibach apd informed, to 
his dismay, by his royal master that he had annulled 
the Constitution, and that for any further particulars 
he must refer to Metternich, in whom he might place 
implicit confidence. When the unfortunate Minister 
did apply to Metternich, he was received with little 
courtesy and returned disconsolate to face the in- 
dignation of his master's subjects. 

The trend of events in Italy confirmed Metternich 
in advocating a firm policy. Not only had there 
been a rising in Piedmont, but there were sinister 
movements in Lombardy and Venetia. Metternich 
found no difficulty in convincing the Powers that it 
was Austria's function to act the policeman by virtue 
of her proximity to the scene of action, her interests 
in Italy, and the fact that she had guaranteed the 
possession of the throne of Naples to the Bourbons. 
He told Castlereagh that Great Britain need not be 
alarmed, since Austria only favoured intervention in 
the internal movements of a country when those 
movements had an external effect. It was accordingly 
agreed that sixty thousand Austrian troops should 
be sent to restore order and the Bourbons to South 
Italy. Alexander was naturally anxious to take a 



THE SYSTEM IN ITALY 175 

part in the military operations, but had to be content 
with holding one hundred and fifty thousand men 
in readiness in case their help should be needed. It 
was certain that Metternich would do his best to 
ensure that it should not. 

At first there seems to have been some apprehension 
that the Neapolitans would ofier the same sort of 
popular resistance to the Austrians as the Spanish 
guerillas had to Napoleon. But old King Ferdinand 
had justly remarked of his army, " You may dress it 
in blue or in green or in red, but whichever you do it 
will run " ; and the campaign which ensued is one 
of the farces of history. Happily for Metternich 
the Neapolitan army was even more inefficient and 
disorganized than the Austrian, and in thirteen days — 
the almost bloodless march of the Austrian troops 
commenced on February 6th, 182 1 — Ferdinand was 
back again in Naples, prepared, now that he was 
freed from the fetters of a constitution, to enter upon 
a fresh period of reactionary despotism. 

The success of Metternich's policy was no less 
evident in the North. Order was restored in Lombardy 
and the rising in Piedmont was easUy suppressed. 
The latter wordd have had some chance of success if 
it had occurred simultaneously with the revolution 
in Naples. But as it was, although the abdication 
of King Victor Emmanuel and the appointment as 
Regent of Charles Albert, Prince of Carignano, who 
was known to be in favour of a united Italy, seemed 
to augur well for the movement, the much-discussed 
conduct of Charles Albert, who at first consented to 
lead the revolt and then drew back, and the stubborn 
refusal of the new King, Charles Felix, to countenance 



176 METTERNICH 

the granting of a constitution or a rising against 
Austrian domination in Italy, assured the ultimate 
failure of the scheme, A few ardent spirits raised 
the standard of Italy and of revolt, but at Novara 
the hopes of the patriots were dashed to the ground 
by the crushing victory of the Austrian troops. 

The result of these abortive movements was to render 
Austrian rule, which had always been severe, positively 
tyrannous towards the Northern provinces of Italy. 

An Aulic Council was established in Vienna to 
superintend the two provinces and to crush the 
spirit of local independence. There were numerous 
arrests and every effort was made to terrorize Italians 
out of sentiments of patriotism. The fate of Count 
Federigo Confalonieri, the leader of the literary 
movement in Italy, excited the pity even of the 
Empress of Austria. It is fairly certain that his 
condemnation was the result of a deliberate policy 
of providing political criminals at all costs, and the 
story reflects little credit upon Metternich. It was 
difficult to prove the Count's guilt, and so fearful was 
Metternich that he might escape punishment that he 
wrote to the Milanese officials, "It is of the utmost 
importance that this leader of the Liberal party 
should never at any time reappear on the scenes as 
a victim of arbitrary power." Eventually sentence 
of death was passed. This was commuted to penal 
servitude for life. Even now the unfortunate Count 
was not left in peace. While passing through Vienna 
the prisoner noticed that he was being treated with 
greater courtesy and kindness. He had not long to 
wait for an explanation. He received a visit from 
Metternich, whom he had last met in Paris at the 



THE SYSTEM IN ITALY 177 

wedding of Marie Louise. The Chancellor used 
all his powers of fascination to induce his victim to 
give evidence against his associates. But threats 
and blandishments alike were of no avail, and they 
parted politely, Metternich on his way to a ball, 
Confalonieri to lifelong confinement. 

No wonder that discontent daily grew, that armies 
of spies had to be employed by the Government, that 
the police and officials themselves were watched by 
other police and officials, that the dungeons of the 
Spielberg were soon teeming with political prisoners, 
and that the downtrodden, overtaxed, unrepresented 
peoples of Italy were ready to snatch at any hope of 
shaking off Austrian domination. For it was evident 
that the Austrian Government was definitely deter- 
mined to strengthen and not to relax the bonds of a 
tyrannous, alien and over-centralized government. 

It is unfair to blame Metternich altogether for the 
harsh treatment meted out to Italian Liberals. 
Again and again during the lifetime of the Emperor 
Francis he pleaded for the release of the hosts of 
political prisoners confined in Austrian dungeons. 
He was not cruel or vindictive by nature, but the 
bigoted obstinacy of Francis thwarted all his efforts. 
It was not until the accession of Ferdinand that 
anything in the nature of an amnesty was granted to 
political offenders. Still a stronger man than Metter- 
nich might have forced the Emperor to see the wisdom 
of clemency, and the Chancellor's policy towards the 
Italian provinces of the Austrian Empire is only one 
of the many illustrations of the inherent weakness 
of his character. 

But whatever may be said of the manner in which 

12 



178 METTERNICH 

he used his victory, there can be no question that 
Metternich had been, for the time at least, entirely 
successful in his manipulation of Italian problems. 
There is no better illustration of his deft use of the 
shadowy ideals of the Holy Alliance and the Concert 
of Europe to defeat Liberalism and enhance the 
prestige of Austria than his conduct at the Conferences 
of Troppau and Laibach. So strong was Austria's 
position in Europe that he had been able to defy 
Great Britain and France and go his own way in 
spite of their disapproval. Russia had been entirely 
converted from Liberal ways, and the spectacle had 
been witnessed of Austria advancing in arms as 
the representative of Europe to curb revolution 
while Russia meekly waited in the background in 
case her services should be demanded. " It looks," 
wrote Metternich, " as though the dawn of a better 
day was beginning to break." Yet it was from 
Russia that arose the little cloud that gradually 
dimmed the serene sky of Austrian supremacy in 
Europe, 



CHAPTER X 

THE EASTERN QUESTION 

After the Congress of Laibach, Metternich returns to Vienna and 
finds that he has been appointed Haus-, Hof-, und Staatskanzler — 
The beginning of " The Eastern Question " — Metternich's interest 
in it is due to fear of Russia's designs on Turkey — At the Congress 
of Laibach, he succeeds in restraining Russia from aiding the Greek 
insurgents — The attention of Europe is diverted to the Revolution 
in Spain — Metternich visits George IV. at Hanover and thence 
repairs to Johannisberg — Suicide of Castlereagh — At the Congress 
of Verona, in spite of Great Britain's opposition, France is authorized 
to intervene in Spain — Metternich accompanies the Emperor Francis 
to Czernowitz, where a meeting has been arranged with the Czar — 
Owing to illness, Metternich is unable to attend the Conference, 
which is a failure — Illness and death of Princess Metternich at Paris 
— Metternich goes to Paris — And thence travels to Italy with his 
son Victor — The continuance of " The Eastern Question " renews 
tension between Austria and Russia — Death and character of the 
Czar Alexander — Metternich draws up a Memorandum on the con- 
duct of the Powers regarding the Eastern Question — Stubborn 
attitude of Canning, who refuses to allow intervention in Greece — 
And thwarts Metternich's policy in regard to the South American 
Colonies and Portugal — Effect of British poHcy on the Metternich 
System — Metternich purchases the estate of Plass and shortly 
afterwards visits Konigswart — A Conference of the Powers meets in 
London to discuss the Eastern Question — The Treaty of London, 
from which Austria and Prussia dissented, results in the Battle 
of Navarino — Metternich's second marriage startles Viennese 
society — The death of Canning marks a change in British policy 
— Metternich connives at the recognition of the Independence of 
Greece, convinced that Turkey has lost her hold upon it 

METTERNICH had thoroughly enjoyed the 
Congress of Laibach. Not only was his 
policy successful — " we have accomplished great and 
good things," he remarked when all was over — but 

179 



180 METTERNICH 

he was comfortably lodged and the country was 
pretty. He was genuinely sorry to leave. 

By May 28th, 1821, he was back in Vienna, where 
he found new honours awaiting him. He had been 
appointed Haus-, Hof-, und Staatskanzler. " In this 
new position," he wrote, " my sphere of action will 
be much enlarged." In June he went to Baden for 
a short course of baths. He had sold his house there 
against the wishes of his wife, because he hated revisit- 
ing the spot where his daughter Marie had died. 

At this period he was very busy, and many of his 
letters show that his great success had increased his 
never very dormant sense of his own importance. On 
August 28th he writes, " Eight days ago my mother 
invited me to visit her at her villa, which is a mile 
and a half from Vienna. I entered my carriage at 
eight o'clock in the evening. By nine o'clock the 
report was spread that I had posted off to meet the 
Emperor Alexander. Hence it was concluded that a 
very grave crisis was to be feared, whilst the same 
evening at eleven o'clock five-and-twenty of my 
intimate friends assembled at my house. Another 
proof that I cannot stir without making a sensation." 
He mentions that his hair had turned quite white, 
" at which I am less astonished than at its tenacity 
in not leaving me altogether." 

It was in 1821 that the Eastern Question first 
began seriously to attract the attention of Europe. 
In March came news of an outbreak in the Danubian 
Principalities. Prince Hypsilanti, a Major-General 
in the Russian army but a Greek by nationality, 
had crossed the Danube with a small following of 
Greek patriots and foreign adventurers in the hope 



THE EASTERN QUESTION 181 

of inciting a universal rising of patriotic Greeks within 
the Turkish dominions to be supported ultimately 
by Russia. This outbreak was, to a great extent, 
the fault of the Turkish Government, which had 
allowed Greek patriotic sentiment together with 
the elements of Greek naval power to grow up beneath 
their eyes unchecked and almost unnoted. At first 
sight it would seem that a rising of Greeks against 
Turks had little to do with Metternich ; and indeed 
it was not so much the quarrel itself as the results 
of the quarrel which caused the Eastern Question 
to occupy a large part of his attention for the next 
decade. 

The real cause of Metternich's interest in Eastern 
affairs was Russia. Austria, since 1815, had turned 
her face towards the south and south-east of Europe 
as opposed to the west, and in this new direction 
Russia was her chief rival. Now Russia appeared 
desirous of taking any opportunity that presented 
itself of annexing portions of Turkey. Russia alone 
failed to regard Turkey as one of the Powers, and 
Alexander had never invited the Sultan to join the 
Holy Alliance. Moreover, the fact that the Greeks 
were Christians added to the favour with which the 
Czar regarded them. 

Now Austria had formerly been famous as the 
bulwark of Christendom against the infidel. But 
Austria, and Great Britain too, had come to see that 
the rising power of Russia was more formidable than 
the waning power of Turkey, and that at all costs 
the Turkish Empire must be bolstered up. For this 
reason Metternich had constantly advised the Porte 
to beware of the movement in favour of Greek in- 



182 METTERNICH 

dependence. " We have for some time warned the 
Ottoman Government of it," he wrote, " but they 
attached no importance to its existence." ^ Metter- 
nich knew well that there was great sjnnpathy with 
the Greeks in Russia, that the Czar was much under 
the influence of his Greek Minister, Capodistrias, and 
that Russia was Turkey's worst enemy, ready to take 
advantage of every opportunity to do her harm. 

As to the outbreak in the Danubian Principalities, 
Mettemich was convinced that Alexander was not 
an accomplice. On March 26th, 1821, he wrote to 
Stadion, " As for the Greek Revolution, let it alone. 
I answer for it that the Emperor Alexander has as 
little to do with that now as with the Revolution in 
Piedmont. . , . The affair must be looked upon as 
beyond the pale of civilization." What alarmed 
Metternich was that Alexander was very anxious to 
interfere. To Russia the Danubian Principalities 
held the same relationship as Italy did to Austria. 
Russian support at Troppau and Laibach had enabled 
Austria to restore order in Naples. Why should not 
Austrian support now enable Russia to restore order 
in the Balkans, especially since the Turks had occupied 
certain territories under Russian influence and re- 
fused to evacuate them ? 

The matter was discussed at the Congress of Laibach, 
when Alexander did not prove very amenable. 
Metternich put forth all his powers of persuasion. 
The Russians, he said, were confusing " strict rights " 
with " the general interest." Austria was quite pre- 
pared to force Turkey to respect Treaty obligations 

^ " Autobiography of Prince Metternich," English translation, 
voL iii. p. 523. 



THE EASTERN QUESTION 183 

on which the European system was based and to 
yield to Russia's legitimate demands for the evacua- 
tion of the Principalities and the return to the status 
quo before the revolt. As to what appertained to 
" the general interest," Metternich promised that 
the Powers should, after consultation, provide some 
regime in the Turkish dominions calculated to obviate 
further troubles. At the same time Metternich, 
in conjunction with Lord Strangford, the British 
Ambassador at Constantinople, endeavoured to 
impress on the Porte the necessity for agreeing to 
Russia's minimum demands. 

In the end Metternich's influence with the Czar 
triumphed over that of the Russian Minister's, Capo- 
distrias, who was an ardent supporter of the Greeks. 
It was agreed that Russia should not actively intervene, 
and that the Eastern problem should be discussed 
at the Congress, which had been summoned to meet 
at Verona in September. Once again Metternich had 
triumphed ; once again he had used the Concert as an 
instrument for the maintenance of stability. In a 
letter to Francis he talked of his triumph as " perhaps 
the greatest victory that one Cabinet has ever gained 
over another," and boasted that " with one blow the 
grand work of Peter the Great and all his successors " 
had been destroyed. Exaggeration of his own 
achievements was one of Metternich's weaknesses. 

One reason for Alexander's unexpected docility 
in accepting Metternich's advice was that affairs in 
Spain were demanding the attention of European 
statesmen. In fact the original object of the Congress 
of Verona was to discuss the Spanish Question. " My 
views regarding Turkey," wrote Metternich in 1823, 



184 METTERNICH 

" are different from those generally entertained. 
Turkey does not make me anxious, but France and 
Spain." For in the latter country the reactionary 
King Ferdinand VII. had been deposed, a Constitution 
had been proclaimed, and such a state of anarchy 
prevailed that Spain was becoming a danger to her 
neighbours. 

Metternich had thrown cold water on a suggestion 
that Russian troops should be employed to restore 
order, and Great Britain had steadfastly refused to 
sanction a French invasion of Spain. Metternich 
had hoped to remedy this attitude on the part of 
Great Britain by a friendly conversation with Castle- 
reagh at the Congress of Verona. 

In October, after accompanying the Emperor 
Francis to Hungary to witness some manoeuvres, 
Metternich had visited King George III. at Hanover. 
Here it was that Castlereagh had promised to attend 
the Congress of Verona. Although the British King 
greeted him affectionately and overwhelmed him with 
flattery, Metternich seems to have been rather bored 
with his visit, which consisted of a succession of dinners 
and a brief spell of " real Congress life, full of gala 
days." 

From Hanover the Austrian Chancellor sought 
peace and rest at his estate of Johannisberg, visiting 
on the way no less than five Universities, at all of 
which he received a hearty welcome. " Travelling 
is a terrible affair in my present position," he grandilo- 
quently wrote. " I am bored as monarchs are bored 
by the attention of the Courts which entertain me 
on my journey : and I am bored as a prophet is 
who is constantly asked advice by everyone." By 



THE EASTERN QUESTION 185 

December 31st he was back in Vienna, where early 
in 1822 he received a curious request from the famous 
Ali Pasha of Janina, who, having revolted from his 
suzerain, the Sultan of Turkey, begged Metternich 
to send him a " constitution-maker." Ali was in 
great straits, and without quite knowing what a 
Constitution was, had apparently been told that it 
was a certain remedy for all evils. Metternich merely 
advised him to yield to Turkey. The Austrian 
Chancellor was, indeed, a curious person to go to in 
search of a constitution ! 

Early in the autumn of 1822 Castlereagh committed 
suicide, so that all hope of his attendance at the 
coming Congress was ended. Metternich was much 
distressed. Castlereagh had in many ways agreed 
with his views and had often proved a good ally, 
especially in regard to the Eastern Question. " He 
had learnt to understand me," wrote Metternich, 
" it will be years before another reaches the same stage 
of confidence." 

Metternich spent most of the period between his 
visit to Hanover in the autumn of 1821 and the 
opening of the Congress of Verona in October 1822 
in Vienna. He attended, not without grumbling, the 
Carnival which took place in January. " Nothing," 
he writes, " is so insupportable to me as a ball 
where not a corner is to be found to enjoy a quiet 
chat." 

In AprU, to his great joy, an Italian Opera was 
established at Vienna. " It may be supposed," 
he wrote, " what delight this gives to a melomaniac 
like me." Indeed for some time he had been agitating 
to this end. 



186 METTERNICH 

When not too busy, Metternich used to make up 
picnic parties of about fourteen or eighteen persons 
for driving excursions into the country. Vienna was 
adapted for this form of recreation, since by driving 
only a few miles outside the town one could be amongst 
the most delightful surroundings. 

In July the Chancellor went through a " cure " 
of eighteen days at Baden, whither the Emperor had 
also repaired. Thence he returned to Vienna, where 
he went to hear a German Opera, with which he was 
much disappointed, coming to the melancholy con- 
clusion that " a German voice is quite pitiable in 
comparison with an Italian." 

The time was now approaching for the opening 
of the Congress of Verona, and in October Metternich 
left Vienna on his journey to Italy. As his family 
were now at Johannisberg, he suggested that his son 
Victor, whom he had not seen for several years, should 
meet him at Innsbruck. Metternich was very proud 
of Victor, " a tall and excellent young fellow, the 
quintessence of a ' fashionable,' new to the world, 
as people are at eighteen. He does not want for 
understanding, and if he is in a good mind he makes 
one laugh, for he has much humour." After the 
meeting at Innsbruck, the delighted father wrote 
again, " Victor loves his work as much as his Vienna 
friends love the Prater." ^ 

Metternich was sometimes affectedly " blase." In 
a letter from Verona he complained that Count Lieven, 
the Russian Minister, was his " only social resource." 
Yet there is little doubt that the work of the Congress 
of Verona was carried on under just those conditions 

^ The Hyde Park of Vienna. 



THE EASTERN QUESTION 187 

which he loved — the best society and some of the 
prettiest women in Europe, plenty of luxury, plenty 
of intrigue, and little necessity for haste. 

For the success of Austrian policy at the Congress 
everything boded well. Not only the Eastern 
Question, but affairs in Spain and in other parts of 
Europe where the flames of Revolution had broken 
out, were to be discussed. Though Castlereagh's 
absence was regrettable, Wellington, at Metternich's 
request, had been sent out as the representative of 
the British Government. He would, no doubt, 
prove an amenable disciple of Metternich's gospel. 
" It was singular to see," wrote the Austrian Chan- 
cellor, " how my mere appearance caused the greatest 
expectation among aU the different parties." 

But Wellington proved a broken reed ; he adhered 
to the instructions which he had received from 
Canning, who had succeeded Castlereagh as Prime 
Minister, and steadfastly refused to agree to a French 
invasion of Spain for the restitution of King Ferdinand. 
It was no part of the policy of Great Britain to 
countenance interference in the domestic affairs of 
other countries. This was the first of many blows 
which Canning was to deal to Metternich's System. 
" English diplomacy at present," wrote the Chancellor, 
" is careful to spoU whatever lies within its reach." 

There was no alternative for Metternich and his 
faithful trio of sovereigns but to ignore the attitude 
of Great Britain, and commission France to restore 
order in Spain. Accordingly a French army crossed 
the Pyrenees and without difficulty replaced Ferdinand 
on the throne. Metternich was delighted, and wrote 
that " the progress of the French operations makes 



188 METTERNICH 

the same impression here (Vienna) as if it were a 
victorious Austrian army." 

The attitude of England had one important effect 
upon Metternich's position. It threw Austria more 
and more into the arms of Russia and facilitated a 
temporary solution of the Eastern Question. It was 
agreed at the Congress of Verona that Turkey should 
be left alone to restore order in Greece, and the Czar 
showed himself entirely amenable to the Austrian 
point of view. 

AU would doubtless have been well had the Turks 
proved capable of wearing down the resistance of the 
Greeks. But the rising was now general throughout 
Greece, foreign adventurers flocked to the aid of the 
rebels, Turkish trade was being ruined by daring 
pirate warfare, and Turkish armies proved unable to 
cope with a widespread system of elusive guerilla 
commandoes. Indeed, for eight years the Eastern 
Question loomed large before the fogged eyes of 
European statesmen. " That miserable Eastern 
Question is again coming to the front," wrote Metter- 
nich in October 1824. 

On the conclusion of the Congress Metternich paid 
a brief visit to Venice, where he was joined by Gentz, 
and the two statesmen travelled together as far as 
Innsbruck. On his way back to Vienna Metternich 
spent a couple of days in Munich in order to attend the 
Golden Wedding of Prince and Princess Furstenberg, 
and a great banquet given in their honour by Prince 
John of Liechtenstein. 

He found Vienna very dull, except for the Italian 
Opera, which " affords me great delight, for my life 
is so monotonous that the sound of something quite 



THE EASTERN QUESTION 189 

different from what I am daily condemned to hear 
thrills through my whole being." His daughter, 
Melanie, had been Ul, but was now completely re- 
covered. He was pleased to find her tall, pretty, and 
very like poor Clementine, who had died four years 
before. At the end of May 1823 the rest of the 
family came up to Vienna from Johannisberg for the 
summer. " I am busy preparing for the reception 
of my family," he wrote on the 15th ; " my sad 
solitary life comes to an end and my heart once 
more awakes. I am not made for loneliness." 

Metternich had arranged that the Emperor Francis 
should meet the Czar in the autumn of 1823 at 
Czemowitz, in Bukowina, for the discussion of the 
Greek and other questions. As this meeting was to 
coincide with a sort of tour, on the part of Francis, of 
the eastern portions of his dominions, Metternich 
and he started from Vienna in September. Lemberg, 
in Galicia, was their first objective. Metternich was 
charmed with the country through which they passed, 
level and cultivated as far as Galicia, then rugged 
and mountainous, until the hills opened out into a 
broad, well- wooded plain bounded by mountains. 
He was impressed with the large population of Jews, 
who "swarm here." With Galicia itself he was 
much disappointed. The country was productive, 
but there were no means of exporting the products, 
and although many unrequired luxuries were obtain- 
able, necessaries were so expensive that proprietors 
were often in a state verging on pauperism. 

On arrival at Lemberg, Metternich succumbed to 
an attack of rheumatic fever, which at first seemed 
trifling but ultimately kept him in bed until the last 



190 METTERNICH 

week of October. The Emperor was most kind to 
him during his Ulness, and sat by his bedside for hours 
chatting on topics unconnected with politics in order 
not to worry him. 

Since Metternich was unable to be present at the 
meeting of the Monarchs, which had been arranged 
for October 6th, Nesselrode, the Russian Minister, with 
whom Metternich had always been on the most friendly 
terms, came to talk matters over with him at Lemberg. 

Metternich had attached great importance to the 
Czernowitz meeting. Earlier in the year he had 
written, " the thing wUl have an effect like the firing 
of a gun of the first calibre." But from the Austrian 
point of view there was a miss-fire. 

The position was difficult. It was no longer possible 
to keep the Greek insurrection " beyond the pale 
of civilization," for it had become a national rising, 
and the British Government had recognized the rebels 
as belligerents. Also there is little doubt that the 
Czar was already secretly hankering after the libera- 
tion of the Greeks from Turkish domination. At 
any rate he proposed a conference at St Petersburg 
to discuss the erection of Greece and the Archipelago 
into three principalities under Ottoman suzerainty 
and guaranteed by the European Concert. This 
revealed to Metternich the trend of the Czar's inten- 
tions. He asserted that Austria would consent to 
no half measures. There must either be complete 
independence or complete subjection. Metternich 
was indeed now inclined to regard the Greeks in the 
light of Christians rather than as revolutionaries. 
" I confess," he wrote, " that I very much prefer the 
Greeks to the Turks, for both being barbarians there 



THE EASTERN QUESTION 191 

is more hope of Christians than of Mussulmen. The 
English envoy at Constantinople took his side. " Strat- 
ford Canning has behaved very well here. I have 
brought him at every interview to see my point of view." 

After the unsatisfactory conferences at Czernowitz 
and Lemberg, Metternich, who had now recovered 
from his illness, left the latter town on October 20th 
and continued his journey to Tarnow. The Emperor 
had left earlier in the month, but, thanks to the 
instructions he had thoughtfully given, Metternich 
was everywhere excellently accommodated, usually 
in the houses of the Captains of Circles,^ Since Polish 
politeness required that rooms destined for guests 
should be absurdly over-heated, a courier, who always 
preceded him to each stopping-place, made it his 
business to see that the temperature was decently 
moderated, much to the surprise of the proprietors 
of the houses, who had been preparing according to 
their lights for the reception of an invalid. 

By October 30th he was at Neutitschein, in Moravia. 
He notices the great contrast between that province 
and Galicia. The country was equally beautiful 
and in most respects similar. But whereas Galicia 
was almost Oriental in character, in Moravia civiliza- 
tion began to show. " No rags, homes neat, and 
inhabitants well-clothed : no Jews, no squalor, misery 
and death. . . . Two days ago (in Galicia) in a very 
low temperature I saw peasants working in the fields 
with no garments but a shirt, and their children, from 
two to four years old, sitting naked in the fields their 
parents were tilling. . . . The first little Silesian I 

^ The Austrian dominions were divided for judicial and adminis- 
trative purposes into territorial divisions called Circles. 



192 METTERNICH 

saw had a nice cap and frock and was carried by his 
mother, dressed in a good pelisse, with thick red 
worsted stockings and good shoes." 

From Neutitschein Mettemich made his way back 
to Vienna. At the end of July he began a course of 
baths at Ischl. The attentions of the other visitors 
flattered his vanity. " In every place where I halt," 
he wrote, " at every spot which I hurry by, a crowd 
presses towards me, surrounds me, gazes on me, 
smiles on me, and offers to shake hands." The baths 
did him a great deal of good, but the weather was 
variable. He spent much time in excursions into 
the country. At the end of August he went to stay 
with the Emperor, " in a real Castle, which stands 
on high rocks in the Danube." He was impressed with 
the simplicity which prevailed there. The homely 
arrangements were " far beneath those of a wealthy 
landowner," everything in the slightest degree border- 
ing on luxury was banished, facts which " might 
disconcert the most radical of radicals." 

He returned to Vienna during the first week in 
December. The city was " lonely and deserted," 
except for the Diplomatic Corps, and his only amuse- 
ment was the Opera, " which is all one can desire." 

After a brief sojourn at Vienna, Mettemich's family 
had returned to Paris, the climate of which suited 
them better. Nevertheless, in January 1825, news 
came that the Princess was ill. Metternich was much 
perturbed, fearing that if her lungs were affected the 
malady would prove fatal. His absence from the 
scene of her illness increased his anxiety, and his 
family, with the mistaken intention of allaying it, 
refused to allow even the doctor to send him news. 



THE EASTERN QUESTION 193 

This Metternich could not endure, and at last dis- 
patched a special courier to find out the truth. His 
depression was increased by the grave condition of 
the Emperor Francis, whose life was at this period 
for a time despaired of, and by the constant night- 
mare of the Eastern Question. 

By the beginning of February he received such 
alarming accounts of his wife's illness that he hurried 
to Paris. The sufferer lingered on for over a month, 
but on March 19th passed away. " From her child- 
hood deeply religious," wrote the bereaved statesman, 
" she felt towards God as a child to a father. ... It 
was the departure of a beautiful soul." Yet there 
have been many happier marriages than that which 
death had just dissolved. 

Indeed, reasons of State had brought the Chancellor 
to Paris as well as anxiety for his wife ; for in view of 
the threatening political atmosphere he wished to 
win over King Charles X. to his views on the Eastern 
Question, and more especially to gain his support 
against Canning in the matter of the South American 
colonies. Consequently he remained in Paris with 
his son Victor until the middle of April. 

It cannot be said that he made even a pretence of 
mourning for his wife. By April 2nd he was going 
into society. " I have dined to-day," he wrote, " at 
the Palais Royal with the Duke of Orleans. The 
Duchess I like very much. She is one of my oldest 
friends and a thoroughly excellent woman. We 
spent the evening together, and the Duke showed 
me his fine collection of modern pictures." He then 
describes his busy life in Paris. "I get up at seven 
o'clock and write till ten, when the most remarkable 
13 



194 METTERNICH 

people came to me, many of them quite strangers to 
one another — Ministers, place-hunters, ultra-Legiti- 
mists, Bonapartists, Jacobins, and Jesuits, a complete 
valley of Jehoshaphat ; at one o'clock I endeavour 
to get rid of all my visitors and go for a walk to see 
how Paris has altered in ten years. There is plenty 
of fine material. At six o'clock I go to a not very 
agreeable dinner. At nine I go home and join some 
of the men whose company is pleasant to me. . . . 
There we analyze the perfection of social institutions 
or discuss the history of the time, and those are my 
only happy hours." 

He constantly had to attend soirees given in his 
honour, at which he usually met his old antagonist 
and ally Talleyrand. On the eleventh he dined with 
King Charles X., and wrote to Gentz with obvious 
satisfaction that since the Restoration only two other 
foreigners had been honoured with a similar invitation. 
Lord Moira and the Duke of Wellington. 

On the 17th of April Metternich and Victor left 
Paris for Milan, driving in the latter's caleche through 
Marseilles, Nice, and the Corniche over the Spliigen 
Pass. 

They left Milan on July 4th, and spent some days 
visiting various places on the Italian lakes, at all 
of which they were effusively welcomed. At Sondrio 
the Emperor had been expected, and consequently 
Metternich was treated to all the ceremony intended 
for his master. " Illuminations, fireworks, operas, 
deputations — everything must I swallow." " The 
people," he commented, " are so thoroughly Austrian 
in their feelings that I cannot help loving them." 

Meanwhile the Eastern Question still occupied the 



THE EASTERN QUESTION 195 

minds of European statesmen. Russia was still the 
ambiguous factor in the problem. " Thick mists lie 
on the Neva," wrote Mettemich to Gentz. The 
conduct of Great Britain, too, which had refused to 
continue further negotiations, was eminently un- 
satisfactory. " The Greek Question," complained 
Metternich, " is clear and simple, if one is not afraid 
to look it in the face. I do not understand the part 
that Wellington plays ; when not in the battlefield 
does he lose the energy he there displays ? " 

The result was that Austria and Russia were left 
face to face. Meanwhile Austrian Levant trade 
suffered from the continuous naval warfare, and a 
settlement became more and more imperative. All 
that had been done hitherto by the Powers was to 
send a Joint Note to the Porte offering mediation. 
This had been indignantly refused. 

Tension between Austria and Russia became more 
and more serious. Neither would yield and it seemed 
as if war must result. Then suddenly, in December 
1826, came the news of the death of Alexander. A 
grand but eccentric figure was thus removed from 
the stage of European politics. " Alexander," wrote 
Metternich to Neumann some months after the 
event, " was, unhappily, the child of the age, always 
going from one religion to another, from one taste 
to another ; he moved everything and built nothing. 
Ever3rthing in him was superficial and exaggerated 
and he was inclined to prefer bad means to good." 
This was an unfair judgment. Alexander was a 
strange mixture of earnestness and frivolity, of 
Liberal sentiments and almost Oriental despotism, 
of religion and vice. Nevertheless, until the advent 



196 METTERNICH 

of :^the Greek Question, he had proved himself a good 
ally to Austria, and his death was a great blow to the 
system of the Holy Alliance. 

Metternich took it for granted that the Grand Duke 
Constantine would succeed to the throne of Russia. 
Indeed, he wrote a somewhat premature letter on 
December i8th to Ottenfels, the Austrian Ambassador 
at St Petersburg, expressing his pleasure at the 
prospect. " I deceive myself," he wrote, " if the 
History of Russia does not begin where the Romance 
of Russia ends." Constantine, he thought, was a 
far more practical man than Alexander, whereas " if 
the Grand Duke Nicholas were to succeed ... it 
would be impossible to cast any horoscope whatever 
of the new reign." 

However, by March 1826 it was Nicholas who occupied 
the throne. " I do not know a more difficult post to 
occupy," Metternich told Neumann, " than that of 
the Emperor Nicholas." The change was not to 
Metternich's taste, for Nicholas was known to regard 
him with aversion and to favour Liberal doctrines. 
It soon appeared that Austrian policy was going to 
wreck over the Greek Question. In January Metter- 
nich had drawn up a Memoir for the instruction of the 
Archduke Ferdinand, who was about to visit St 
Petersburg as the Austrian representative at Nicholas' 
coronation. It is interesting as showing Metternich's 
idea of the part which Austria had played. Originally, 
he said, aU Europe had condemned the Greek rising 
as a revolutionary outbreak and the Powers had been 
prevented from immediately helping Turkey to quell 
it, not by public opinion, which was originally little 
in favour of the Greeks, but by the fact that the 



THE EASTERN QUESTION 197 

Greeks were Christians. Passive neutrality, there- 
fore, was the only correct attitude for the Powers to 
maintain. But Russia had spoilt this plan by attempt- 
ing to advise the Porte. The Porte refused the 
advice, and Russia, thinking herself rebuffed, recalled 
her Ambassador, thus depriving herself of her ability 
to correspond with the Porte. Europe had, therefore, 
to intervene to calm the differences of Russia and 
Turkey. This was accomplished by the Congress of 
Verona and the meeting at Czemowitz. The Powers 
agreed to Austria's proposals to separate the two 
branches of the Problem, namely, Russia's claims 
against and the relations of the Greeks to the Porte. 
By 1824 the first difficulty had been solved, and 
Austria's efforts peacefully to compose the Eastern 
Question seemed assured, when Great Britain saw 
fit to retire from the Conference. This showed 
Turkey that the Powers were not unanimous and 
she promptly refused to allow this pacific intervention 
in Greece. Then followed the inevitable split between 
Austria and Russia. 

The conduct of Great Britain, to which Metternich 
had drawn attention in his Memorandum, was typical 
of her attitude towards Austrian policy since the 
Congress of Verona. It has been remarked with 
truth that if any one man can be credited with causing 
the decline of Metternich's System that man was 
Canning. He did nothing with the overt intention 
of crushing that System, but ignored it with such 
supreme and open contempt, and supported those 
who were jeopardized by its action with such fearless- 
ness and candour, that he broke mesh after mesh of 
the net with which, under the specious guise of the 



198 METTERNICH 

Holy Alliance, Metternich sought to entangle the 
nations of Europe. 

In 1824 Canning had opposed the extension of 
the principles of the Holy Alliance to the New World. 
Metternich seriously wished to deal with the Spanish 
colonists in South America, who had revolted from 
the Mother-Country, as he had dealt with revolution 
in Germany, Italy, and Spain. When, shortly after 
the Congress of Verona, Canning had suggested that 
the South American colonists should be recognized 
by the Powers, the Austrian Chancellor repudiated 
the suggestion with such warmth that he was credited 
with the madcap idea of organizing a gigantic modern 
Crusade, having for its goal not Acre or Jerusalem, 
but Buenos Aires and Valparaiso. Any such scheme 
was rendered futile, in view of Great Britain's over- 
whelming maritime supremacy, by Canning's curt 
intimation that he would allow nothing of the sort. 

Irritated at Canning's successful opposition, in 
which he was supported by France, Metternich 
combined attendance at his wife's deathbed with an 
attempt to win over Charles X. to his views during a 
brief visit to France early in 1824. He wrote peremp- 
torily to Canning that the members of the Holy 
Alliance could not tolerate any other than the mon- 
archical principle. Canning's sole but very effective 
reply was to begin recognizing the respective South 
American States so soon as they proved the stability 
of their governments. 

But more pinpricks for Metternich were to come. 
Great Britain had consistently refused to recognize that 
the Holy Alliance had any right to interfere in Greece, 
and had pursued her own course oblivious of any 



THE EASTERN QUESTION 199 

" Metternich System. ' ' Now she induced Czar Nicholas , 
only a few months after his accession, to recognize the 
independence of Greece (April 4th, 1826). Metternich 
was furious ; all his calculations were upset ; save for 
Prussia, a broken reed, Austria was isolated in Europe. 
No wonder that he talked of " the crafty and un- 
scrupulous mind of Mr Canning," and of " the 
present British Cabinet " as " the natural accomplice 
of aU the extravagancies of the time." No wonder 
that while his Chancellor called the British Prime 
Minister a " blockhead," the staid Emperor Francis 
exclaimed that the " DevU must have taken pos- 
session of the fellow." 

Before the end of the year Metternich had 
another bone to pick with Canning. During a 
succession of revolutions and counter-revolutions 
which had taken place in Portugal practically 
since the Congress of Verona, Metternich had con- 
tinually supported the reactionary. Great Britain 
the constitutional party. On the death of King 
John VI. the kingdom fell to his daughter Donna 
Maria, who was supported by Great Britain in her 
desire to govern constitutionally. Metternich at 
once began to intrigue against her and endeavoured 
to enlist France and Spain on his side. To his disgust, 
Canning paid a fl5^ng visit to Paris and induced the 
French Government to remain neutral, whereupon a 
revolution, fomented by Austria, and supported by 
Spanish troops, placed Donna Maria and the existence 
of the Portuguese constitution in the gravest danger. 
But Canning made quick work. In December 1826 
he dispatched a British fleet and army to Lisbon, 
which effectually thwarted Metternich's aims, and, 



200 METTERNICH 

to the Austrian Chancellor's dismay, followed this 
up by a strong speech in the House of Commons 
directed against the principles of Absolutism. 

Though Canning's action in each of these instances 
was perhaps due as much to regard for the commercial 
interests of Great Britain as for the cause of Liberty, 
or the constitutional and national aims of Greece, 
Portugal, or the South American colonies, yet the 
effect on Metternich's policy was equally disastrous, 
and Metternich knew it. Russia and Prussia, formerly 
stalwarts of the Holy Alliance, no longer gave him 
their whole-hearted support. It is abundantly clear 
from the contemporary correspondence of Russian, 
Prussian, and Austrian statesmen, nay of Metternich 
himself, that they regarded the System as in process 
of decay. So long as it had represented the struggle 
of Monarchy against Revolution it succeeded ; it 
was bound to fail when it supported Absolutism 
against constitutional principles. 

Troubles in Hungary increased Metternich's ill- 
humour. To his son Victor he wrote in October, 
" My situation is like that of a crucified man : one 
arm is nailed to Constantinople and the other to 
Lisbon ; home affairs occupy the trunk ; Mr Canning 
is my crucifix and the Hungarian Diet the sponge 
steeped in vinegar." 

Early in 1826 Metternich had bought an estate 
called Plass.^ In announcing the fact to Victor he 
enclosed in his letter some engravings of the place. 
" I shall be much surprised," he wrote, " if you have 
ever seen anything grander. Besides the chateau — 
that is, the old abbey — there are three others of less 

^ In Western Bohemia. 



THE EASTERN QUESTION 201 

importance. We must decide on the spot which of them 
can be made habitable without a ruinous expenditure." 
In July urgent affairs of State obliged Metternich 
to visit Hungary. While he was going through some 
papers with the Chancellor of Hungary, with whom 
he had been quietly dining, he had the unpleasant 
experience of seeing his host suddenly seized with an 
apoplectic fit and expire while in the middle of a 
sentence. Shortly after this untoward event he went 
to reside at Konigswart for some weeks. He wrote 
a long letter to his mother describing the numerous 
improvements which he had made in the place, quite 
regardless of the expense. Amongst other items he 
had drained a lake and converted it into meadow- 
land, built new stables on the site of a public-house 
and a new farm, designed a sham Swiss castle and 
laid out a park two leagues in circumference. He was 
distressed to find that the proximity of Marienbad 
had destroyed the former seclusion of Konigswart. 
People were constantly coming to admire the grounds 
and park, and Metternich had to do a considerable 
amount of entertaining. From Konigswart he went 
on to Johannisberg, spending one night at Frankfort, 
as he had to interview the King of Bavaria at Asch- 
affenburg. At Johannisberg, as at Konisgwart, many 
improvements had been begun, which would not be 
completed for about four years. The gardens were 
beautiful, and Metternich spent a great deal of his 
time showing visitors round them. One day he took 
a party on an excursion to Coblenz by water. One 
of his visitors was Lord Hertford, " an old friend 
of mine and the most decided Tory in England," 
whose " society is congenial and our politics the same." 



202 METTERNICH 

Even at Johannisberg Mettemich found that he 
was overwhelmed with visitors. " Every day I 
have from thirty to forty people to dinner. All 
Frankfort and the neighbouring towns inflict them- 
selves upon me." 

By October 14th he was back in Vienna. He wrote 
to Victor that a new drawing-room which he had 
been building was just finished and that he was 
going to open it with a ball. He claimed to have 
invented a method of ventilation. Four apertures 
had been constructed in the ceiling, " of which two 
are for the introduction of fresh air and two act as 
syphons to expel the heated air." 

The ball was actually given on February 12th 
of the following year, and was apparently such a 
success that Metternich gave another ball and a 
concert in this ingeniously ventilated chamber. All 
these festivities took place during the Vienna Carnival. 
Towards the end of 1826 Russia, although still 
acting under British influence, had so far shown signs 
of a desire for a rapprochement with Austria, that a 
Conference was arranged to take place in London 
to discuss the Eastern Question. 

To Prince Esterhazy, the Austrian representative 
at the Conference, Metternich issued minute instruc- 
tions. First of all unanimity must be obtained 
between the five Powers. Then an amnesty must 
be obtained from the Sultan for the Greek belligerents, 
and after that a suspension of hostilities ; finally, 
arrangements must be made for a lasting peace 
entailing a separation of the Christian population 
from the Mussulman and a guarantee of the Powers 
on behalf of both parties. If the Porte refused these 



THE EASTERN QUESTION 203 

terms coercive measures must be employed, the 
breaking off of diplomatic relations, threats of aiding 
the insurgents, and cutting off Ibrahim's troops 
from Egypt. 

But, added Metternich, " the Emperor is un- 
willing to admit the chance of war with the Porte." 
He bitterly complained of the attitude of France, who 
had " never comprehended the alliance." " Austria 
and Prussia alone," he maintained, " have remained 
faithful to the principle of the alliance." 

But Russia refused to agree to Austria's proposals, 
and Kaubars, the Russian representative, issued a 
declaration of regret that Austria did not see her way 
to a complete unanimity of view. Metternich made 
a dignified reply to the effect that Austria could not 
join in an unrighteous compulsion of Turkey. He 
objected to suzerainty being substituted for sover- 
eignty and the admission of the principle of the 
mediation of the Powers betwen sovereigns and 
subjects. Also there would be great difficulty in 
defining what portion of Greece was to be independent. 
Still he recognized that Turkey was not blameless, 
" the Porte must be made to comprehend," he wrote 
to Ottenfels at Constantinople, " that it cannot 
escape from these dilemmas by mere refusals and a 
passive attitude " ; and he even put pressure on the 
Porte to grant some concessions to the Greeks. 

In the end Austria and Prussia dissented from the 
Treaty of London, which was signed by England, 
France, and Russia on July 27th; 1827, ^^^ ^^e coercion 
of Turkey. 

In view of the isolation of Austria in Europe, 
Metternich made every effort to frustrate this design. 



204 METTERNICH 

He bombarded the lesser States of Europe with 
Circulars inveighing against the action of the three 
Powers. He was anxious to mass troops on the 
eastern frontiers of Austria for the purpose of pre- 
venting a Russian invasion of Turkey, but Francis, 
with greater caution, refused his assent. Finally, he 
made a last effort for peace by tr5nng to induce the 
Porte to ask for Austrian mediation. But his letter 
only reached Constantinople on the day of the Battle 
of Navarino, when the British and Russian squadrons 
destroyed the Turkish fleet. The naval power of 
Turkey had already ceased to exist. 

This was in November. A month before Metter- 
nich had announced in a letter to Victor his intention 
of marrying again. He never suffered politics to 
interfere with pleasure, and all through the difficult 
negotiations in regard to the Greek Question this 
easily consolable widower had been seeking another 
wife amongst the beauties of Viennese society. To 
the astonishment of all his choice fell upon Antonia 
von Leykam,^ the daughter of a versatile painter and 
skUled violin-player, who had married a certain 
Antonia Pedrella, a native of Palermo. Undeterred 
by the protests of his mother and the murmurs of the 
salons — for it was undoubtedly a mesalliance — the 
Chancellor persuaded the Emperor to create Antonia 
Countess of BeUstein, and the marriage was arranged 
to take place quietly at Hetzendorf, an Imperial 

^ According to Hormayr this girl was the daughter of a parvenu 
baron, Ambrosius von Leykam, who had married a Neapolitan 
dancer, La Bretella, formerly the mistress of the King of Naples. 
But Hormayr, apart from being prejudiced against Metternich, 
seems to have erred from a confusion of names. Hormayr, " Kaiser 
Franz und Metternich," p. 30. 




Photo. Lowy 
PRINCESS METTERNICH, NEE ANTONIA VON LEYKAM 



THE EASTERN QUESTION 205 

seat not far from Vienna, on the 3rd of November. 
Just as Metternich was stepping into his carriage to 
leave Vienna for the ceremony, an Adjutant of Francis 
rushed up to him, hot and breathless, and said that 
the Emperor wished to see him at once. Metternich 
laughingly replied that he was just going to be married. 
However, on the Adjutant explaining that the news of 
Navarino had just arrived, Metternich hurried off to the 
Hofburg, talked the matter over with Francis, whom 
he found in a state of great agitation, and then drove off 
to Hetzendorf as fast as the horses could take him. 

His failure to put in a punctual appearance had 
encouraged the waiting guests to hope that at the 
last moment he had decided to break off the match. 
In the end, however, the ceremony was duly performed 
in the presence of the Archduke Ferdinand of Wiirtem- 
berg, the bridegroom's brother-in-law, and of Metter- 
nich's mother and sister, who still disapproved of the 
match. For fifteen months Metternich, perhaps for 
the only time in his life, enjoyed perfect married bliss. 
Though socially, perhaps, a mesalliance, it was really 
a love-match, and Antonia, without being actually 
beautiful, must have been a singularly fascinating 
girl. But his happiness was brief. In January 1829 
Antonia bore him a son, Richard Clement Joseph 
Lothair. But she never recovered and died on 
January 17th. Metternich was quite overwhelmed 
with grief. " My life is over," he wrote to Victor, 
" and nothing remains to me but my children," and 
again, " Indeed I am again left alone in this great 
wide world." AU his devotion for Antonia was 
transferred to the tiny Richard, who later on he 
described to Victor as " strong, robust, and very 



206 METTERNICH 

ugly." For some months he shunned society, and 
to the end of his days, in spite of the disapproval of 
his third wife, kept Antonia's portrait opposite his 
writing-table.^ 

" The terrible catastrophe of Navarino," increased 
Mettemich's wrath against England and Russia. " I 
send you a copy of an official report addressed by 
Admiral Codrington to his Government," he wrote 
to Count Apponyi in Paris. " Never before has a 
report of this kind come from the pen of an English 
admiral." " The Ottoman Empire," he added, " has 
ceased to belong to itself." He talked of Russia as 
" a Power always coveting and consequently always 
uneasy." But he was convinced that England was 
the evil genius of Russian policy, " without contact 
on terra firma that Power alone can influence Russia, 
for she is in a position to do Russia as much harm as 
Russia can possibly do her." " Whatever England 
does not wish, Russia will not do " ; and he wrote to 
Esterhazy, Austrian Ambassador in London, " what 
wUl be the ultimate decision of the Court of London 
it is very important for me to know." 

The policy of the British Government was entirely 
changed by the death of Canning. This had taken 
place before the Battle of Navarino, and had been 
a source of unchivalrous elation to Metternich. In 
a letter written to Esterhazy, shortly after the news 
arrived, he referred to Canning as " the man whom 
Providence hurled upon England and Europe like 
a malevolent meteor." England, he continued, had 
been " delivered from a great scourge," since Canning 
had " shaken everything and destroyed a great deal," 

^ Bearne, " A sister of Marie Antoinette," pp. 94, 95. 



THE EASTERN QUESTION 207 

but had built up nothing. It was true enough that 
Canning had shaken to its foundations the anti- 
Liberal foreign policy of Austria. At any rate, the 
accession of Wellington to ofhce marked the com- 
mencement of better relations between England and 
Austria. Ever since Navarino Metternich had 
striven to induce Turkey to make peace, but the more 
conciliatory the Porte showed itself the more exacting 
became the demands of Russia, and in April 1828 war 
again broke out between the Sultan and Czar. Metter- 
nich now endeavoured to rouse Great Britain, Prussia; 
and France to the aid of Turkey. 

The British Government was favourable, but Prussia, 
as usual, was shy of making any definite move, while 
France was strongly under the influence of Russia. 
The Austrian Chancellor now endeavoured to cajole 
France, by removing the objections which he had 
hitherto put forward to the Prince of Carignano, the 
French candidate, as successor to the kingdom of 
Sardinia, while at the same time he used Napoleon's 
son, the Duke of Reichstadt, as a weapon against 
both France and Russia, hinting to the former that 
the Duke might be employed as the centre of a Bona- 
partist plot and to the latter that he might be accept- 
able, if put forward by Austria, as a prospective 
King of Poland. 

But all in vain. King Charles X. hated Metter- 
nich ; Pozzo di Borgo, Mettemich's old schoolfellow 
at Strasburg, and now Russian Ambassador in Paris, 
worked hard to undermine Austrian influence in 
Paris, and Metternich entirely overreached himself 
in an attempt to procure the faU of the Russophil 
Cabinet in Paris. 



208 METTERNICH 

Mettemich became more than ever convinced that 
the only solution of the problem was to make Greece 
independent and he gained over to his opinion 
Wellington, who had hitherto proved but a lukewarm 
supporter of Austrian policy. The Austrian Chan- 
cellor faUed to observe that by taking up this position 
he was with his own hands putting a nail into the 
coffin of his System. Indeed, the decline of his in- 
fluence was manifest to those who observed how 
little attention was paid to Austrian views during 
the negotiations for the Independence of Greece. 
" The future existence of the Ottoman Empire," he 
plaintively remarked, " has become doubtful ; and 
yet there is no Power more interested than Austria 
in the preservation of what remains of that Empire." 

Already the Russian arms had beaten back the 
Turks almost to Constantinople, and forced the 
Porte to accept the Peace of Adrianople, 1829. There 
was now no obstacle to the Independence of Greece, 
for there was no longer any Turkish power to bolster 
up, and diplomacy, tired of the Eastern Question; 
turned to problems nearer home. " Europe," wrote 
Metternich, " is just now in a situation like that of 
a person after a great debauch." 



CHAPTER XI 

THE REVOLUTIONS OF 183O AND THEIR RESULTS 

Metternich's devotion to his son Victor — Metternich carries out 
improvements at Plass — Death of Victor — Constant anxiety of the 
Powers in regard to France — Metternich's interest in French 
politics accentuated by the fact that the Duke of Reichstadt was in 
Austrian custody- — The Revolution of 1830 begins in France and 
spreads over Europe— Dangers of its effects beyond the borders of 
France less apparent in Germany than elsewhere — Metternich is 
half incMned to aid the revolutionary Poles against Russia, but 
eventually leaves them to their fate — A meeting at TepUtz is 
arranged between the King of Prussia and the Emperor Francis to 
discuss measures to be taken in view of the Belgian Revolution and 
the progress of German Liberalism — Metternich meanwhile marries 
for the third time — Reflections on the desirability of the match and 
the characteristics of the bride — Life at Teplitz — Arrival of the Czar 
to take part in the Conference — Decision to summon a meet- 
ing of German Ministers to Vienna — Metternich is successful in 
obtaining their consent to a renewal of stringent measures against 
Liberalism — The smaller States prove refractory, and the reforming 
tendencies of the Prussian King cause Metternich some alarm — In 
the settlement of the Belgian Question-Austria is left in the cold — 
Death of the Duke of Reichstadt — Absurdity of the charges which 
have been brought against Metternich in relation to his treatment 
while in Austrian custody 

WHATEVER may be said of Metternich as a 
husband, there is no doubt that he was 
genuinely devoted to his son Victor. Many letters 
passed between father and son in regard to the diplo- 
matic post which Victor took up in Rome at the 
beginning of 1829. Victor complained that he did 
not like Rome. Metternich begged to differ. Rome 

14 209 



210 METTERNICH 

was interesting because it partook of ancient and 
mediaeval history as well as of the present time. 
He mentioned Leontine's conviction that Victor 
always took a long time to get accustomed to new 
surroundings. Of St Peter's, Metternich wrote : " I 
do not think that this church inspires devotion." 

Victor seems gradually to have settled down, and 
wrote some weeks afterwards that he was going into 
Roman society. 

Victor was an ardent collector of autographs, and 
his father frequently sent him those of the distin- 
guished personages with whom he was constantly 
corresponding. In March Victor went on a holiday 
trip to Naples, and his father sent him lists of places 
which he ought to visit; and recommendations as 
to the best method of visiting them, which would 
have done credit to Baedeker. Metternich had a 
vivid recollection of his exertions in climbing Vesuvius. 
" Do not attempt to climb Vesuvius," he wrote, " at 
any rate go no farther than the hermitage ; you can 
go so far quite well on a donkey." As to Naples, he 
sarcastically remarked that " if man had only seconded 
the Creator " it " would be a true Paradise." 

Victor had been very ill during the early part of 
May, and Metternich wrote advising him to read 
Bourrienne's *.' Memoirs of Napoleon " to pass the time 
during his convalescence. " The style is not brilliant, 
but that makes them all the more trustworthy." 

In January Metternich wrote complaining of the 
emptiness of Vienna. Those people who remained 
seemed to have a mania for excursions into the 
country in all sorts of weather. Metternich mentions 
one picnic party which started off at 7 a.m. in an 



THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1830 211 

omnibus and returned half an hour after midnight, 
with the result that a third of the party had to remain 
in bed, a third had lost their voice, while the other 
third were loud in their praises of the delightful day 
they had spent. Leontine, proudly comments the 
Chancellor, did not go in for these frivolities, and was 
consequently always well. 

In July Victor again fell seriously ill, which caused 
Metternich much anxiety. However, by August he 
was convalescent, and went to Bohemia for a change 
of air. Metternich went to his property at Plass, in 
order to be near him, and on the way spent a fort- 
night at Konigswart. This beautiful spot proved 
such an attraction to sightseers from Marienbad and 
the surrounding country, that crowds of carriages 
and pedestrians incessantly spoilt Metternich's quiet. 
He complained that he was forced to give large 
dinners almost every day, and was overwhelmed 
with visitors, amongst them the Queen of Hayti 
with her two " august and very black daughters." 

At Plass he was joined by Gentz, who did not ap- 
prove of the new acquisition ; it was too large, there 
was no flower garden and " nothing but horrible 
iron, big rooms, white walls, provincial officials and 
miners." At Plass, as in the case of his other estates, 
Metternich spent large sums on improvements. There 
were no less than four residences on the estate, one 
of them an old abbey turned into a chateau, and all 
of them requiring extensive repairs. There was also 
a private chapel, in which Metternich interred the 
deceased members of his famUy. For this Pope Leo 
had granted him " three days of plenary indulgence 
and the magnificent remains of St Valentine, a martyr 



212 METTERNICH 

of the end of the Second Century," which had " at- 
tracted from twenty to thirty thousand pilgrims." 

Space was soon required in the family vault for 
another member of the family. On December ist, 
Victor passed away. His sufferings had been severe, 
and even his grief-stricken father felt that death had 
come as a welcome release. 

Since the Congress of Vienna, France had been a 
constant source of anxiety to Metternich and the 
Allies. At the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle, Richelieu, 
the French representative, had pressed for the evacua- 
tion of French territory by the Allied troops and the 
admission of France to the Alliance. Metternich 
had demurred on the ground that it would imply 
" an amalgam of the conservative principle with that 
of innovation, of the remedy with the very evil it 
was intended to cure, of stability with movement, 
of security with risk." Eventually Metternich agreed 
to a compromise suggested by the Czar, that the 
Quadruple Alliance should still be maintained against 
France, but that France herself should be admitted 
to the Holy Alliance, since that institution represented, 
not an anti-revolutionary organizatidh, but the ideal 
of the brotherhood of nations. 

With the changes of ministry and shifting of policies 
in France it is unnecessary to deal, since Metternich 
was only interested in them as a European statesman. 
He was delighted at the tranquillity attending the 
death of Louis XVHI. and accession of Charles X. 
On September 23rd, 1824, he wrote : " Louis XVHI. 
is dead, and there is nothing more to be said in the 
matter. . . . The world is nowadays so far better 
that kings can die undisturbed," and again in October : 



THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1830 218 

" Never has an accession to the throne of France been 
accompanied by more perfect tranquilHty than that 
of Charles X." Metternich's only fear was that 
Charles would veer round to Liberalism under the 
influence of the Dauphin. He had no great opinion 
of contemporary statesmen in France, whom he met 
when on his visit to Paris in 1825. " The only man 
whom I have discovered here among the crowd is 
VUlele/'i he told Francis. He recognized the signific- 
ance of the advent to power in 1829 of the reactionary 
statesman, Polignac, and wrote in April : " The whole 
event has almost the value of a counter-revolution." 

In fact France suddenly became the pivot of 
European politics. All the forces of Liberalism and 
Revolution in France opposed Polignac's ministry. 
The Bonapartists looked to Vienna, where the Duke 
of Reichstadt was in residence — prisoner in a gilded 
cage. But Metternich, though he regarded the Duke 
as a useful tool, and did not hesitate to flirt with 
Bonapartism, would not commit himself. He even 
emphatically refused to send the Duke to France, 
and was supported by the Emperor Francis, who 
asserted that it was his duty neither as a statesman 
nor as a grandfather to launch the son of Marie Louise 
on a doubtful career of hazardous adventure. 

Metternich, from his peculiar position as the 
guardian of the destinies of Napoleon's son, perhaps 
understood the position of affairs in France more 
clearly than any other European statesman. At 
any rate, he had long presaged that Revolution which 
startled Europe in 1830, but which, in its magnitude, 

^ The most brilliant and prudent of the Ultra-Royalist leaders in 
France. 



214 METTERNICH 

its influence and results, must ultimately have sur- 
prised even the Austrian Chancellor. 

" The occurrence bears in many respects the stamp 
of the English Revolution of 1688," was Metternich's 
comment when news came of the French Revolution of 
1830. So far as France was concerned, the remark was 
true. The ousting of Charles X. and the substitution 
of Louis Philippe was effected with remarkable ease 
and bloodlessness. To Metternich, the event did not 
come as a surprise. He had indeed approved of 
the Four Ordinances, which included suspension of 
the Freedom of the Press and new electoral laws, 
and which had practically brought on the Revolution, 
but when he saw the strength of the opposition to 
be expected, he did all in his power to prevent King 
Louis' Government from going to extremities. He 
had always predicted that France might at any time 
go through another revolution. 

But, unlike the English Revolution of 1688, that 
of 1830 had an extraordinary effect upon Europe at 
large. It seemed almost as if the Revolution in 
France had been a preconcerted signal for risings 
all over the Continent. Metternich thus explained 
the phenomenon in a memoir to the Russian states- 
man. Count Orloff : " The extraordinary influence 
exercised by the Revolution of July over men's 
minds far beyond the boundaries of France is shown 
by what happens every day. This influence is for 
many reasons far more decisive than that of the 
Revolution of 1789 was or could be. What methods 
have not been employed since that now remote epoch, 
to beguile the masses in every state. The entire 
generation has been brought up in the dogma of 



THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1830 215 

Liberalism ; too young to have witnessed the disasters 
of the past, the new generation has been led to con- 
sider public order, established only at the cost of 
gigantic efforts as the natural consequence of a previous 
revolution, directed solely against hateful abuses, 
the relics of barbarous times." 

At first, then, it appeared likely that there would 
be a recurrence of the events of 1815 and an invasion 
of France by the Powers ; and this course would 
have been in accordance with Metternich's " system " 
of stamping out revolution wherever it raised its 
head. But Metternich's attitude towards this 
Revolution of 1830 is an admirable proof that he had 
no definite system, whether of intervention or of 
non-intervention. Always he did what he considered 
was best for Austria and, incidentally, himself. Now 
in this case, there were obvious reasons why Austria 
should not interfere with the internal politics of 
France. The last thing which Metternich wanted 
was a commotion of any sort, least of all a war. 
Austrian prestige had suffered to the benefit of Russia 
during the solution of the Greek Question, and his great 
desire was to keep the Powers from any course which 
threatened the general stability. Moreover, Louis 
Philippe proved to be a ruler whose views were to a 
great extent identical with those of the Powers ; he 
was even inclined to curb revolutionary excess, and 
was anxious to appease everybody, in France and 
abroad. In any case, Austria had possession of the 
young Duke of Reichstadt, the son of the great 
Napoleon, which in itself was a weapon powerful 
enough to ensure the good behaviour of France, to- 
wards Austria at any rate. 



216 METTERNICH 

Indeed, Metternich's views on Legitimacy were 
now so changed that he allowed Gentz to publish an 
article, asserting that, in fact if not in theory, Legiti- 
macy might exist side by side with the people's 
supremacy. In the end, therefore, Austria was the 
first power, with the exception of Great Britain, to 
recognize the new French Government, to the great 
delight of Gentz, who was an admirer of Louis Philippe. 
Metternich contented himself with suggesting a 
closer union between Austria, Prussia and Russia, 
with a view to suppressing revolutionary movements 
within their own boundaries and for rendering them- 
selves secure against any possible danger from France. 
Metternich, in short — pwh pudor — had allied himself 
to the Revolution. 

In truth, the danger of the July Revolution 
lay not so much in its effect on France as in its 
influence abroad. This influence, though far less 
than that of the subsequent Revolution of 1848, 
nevertheless did more than anything else to show 
how miserably Metternich's system had already 
broken down. Indeed, the history of the revolu- 
tionary outbreaks in Europe after 1830 is merely a 
series of examples of the decline of Austrian influence. 
Of Germany, indeed, this is not strictly correct. As 
wiU be seen, Metternich was able for some years longer, 
by his control of the Diet and his influence over 
Prussia, to stifle German Liberalism, but the mere fact 
that, in spite of the Carlsbad Decrees and the apparent 
extinction of Liberal hopes after 1824, opposition was 
again awakened by the events of 1830 in France, proved 
that even here Metternich's system was doomed. 

But Switzerland, which from its proximity to 



THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1830 217 

Austria, Metternich had always regarded as his 
peculiar protege, showed unmistakable signs of 
awakened Liberalism in many of her Cantons, and 
was not a whit over-awed when strong representations 
were made from Vienna that French influences must 
on no account be permitted to react on the Republic. 
Eventually, Metternich had to content himself with 
lending moral support to the reactionary Cantons. 

Another portion of Europe, deeply affected by the 
French Revolution, owing to its proximity to Austria, 
demanded Metternich's earnest attention. By the 
Congress of Vienna, Poland had been granted a 
large measure of independence, and the Czar Alexander 
had pursued a most liberal policy in regard to that 
portion of his dominions. It soon became evident, 
however, that the preponderance in Poland of a 
class of selfish nobles rendered futile any attempts 
to benefit the population at large. Alexander became 
despondent, and gradually the Russian Government 
had relapsed into the old method of ruling Poland as 
a conquered and hostile country. When, therefore, 
at the end of November 1830, a military revolution 
broke out in Warsaw, encouraged by the hope of 
French and possibly Austrian aid, Metternich was 
not surprised. " The kingdom of Poland," he wrote 
to Trautmansdorff in Berlin, " has appeared to us 
neither more or less than a powder-magazine ; a 
spark must have reached it sooner or later ; therefore, 
when we heard of the explosion, the one feeling we 
did not experience was surprise." 

The struggle so much resembled a war between two 
distinct countries rather than a rebellion, that Metter- 
nich was for some time doubtful whether his conscience 



218 METTERNICH 

would not permit him to aid the revolted Poles against 
their lawful sovereign, contrary to all the principles 
of the Holy Alliance. " The real question underlying 
the matter/' he wrote to Francis in December, " is the 
morale of the Russian army." In fact, Metternich 
was placed in a dilemma similar to that of Queen 
Elizabeth of England when she was asked to aid the 
revolted Spanish Netherlands. On the one hand, 
any movement appealed to him which had the effect 
of draining the resources of Russia and lowering that 
prestige which she had gained in Europe to the 
detriment of Austria. Moreover, the Czech popula- 
tion in the Austrian Empire clamoured for aid to be 
given to the Poles, while the Magyars longed to 
prevent the further expansion of Russia. On the 
other hand, it was entirely contrary to Metternich's 
ideas to aid rebels against their lawful sovereign. 
In his perplexity Metternich prepared for all eventu- 
alities. " We are arming to the teeth," he wrote in 
February 1831. But in the end, Austria, like Great 
Britain and France, remained inactive. Metternich 
felt that an example of successful revolution so close 
to the borders of the Austrian Empire might lament- 
ably react upon the Viennese policy of stability. So 
Russian arms and internal dissensions wore down 
the Polish resistance, and Metternich was free to 
employ all the resources of Austria in combating 
revolutionary outbreaks in Italy. 

The revolt of Belgium from Holland, in defiance of 
the settlement made at the Congress of Vienna which 
had placed the two countries under one Government, 
might have been expected to rouse Metternich's 
intervention. There was every possibility that 



THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1830 219 

France would seize the opportunity to fish in the 
troubled waters. Moreover, the King of Holland 
implored the aid of Austria against his rebellious 
subjects, and it was in accordance with Metternich's 
avowed policy to support the cause of Legitimacy. In 
fact he wrote to Esterhazy, the Austrian ambassador 
in London, that the Emperor " would never admit 
the principle of non-intervention in face of the per- 
sistent activity of the Revolutionary Propaganda." 

But at this time, Poland, not to speak of Italy, 
was occupying Mettemich's attention, and the 
Austrian and Russian Governments had perforce to 
leave matters in the Netherlands in the hands of 
Great Britain, aided by Prussia. As early as 1830, 
Mettemich had written to Francis : " For my part, 
I am convinced that all is lost in the Netherlands. The 
best, and in fact the only thing to do, is to bring the 
courts into such relations with the Crown of Holland as 
wUl prevent its complete incorporation with France." 

With a view to counteracting French designs, 
Metternich tried to rouse the interest of Russia and 
Prussia in preventing French aggression ; he was 
convinced that Louis Philippe wished to pose as the 
Champion of Liberalism, and was delighted to find 
the Emperor Francis quite anxious to revive the old 
significance of the Holy AUiance as an antidote to 
revolutionary principles. The Czar at once returned 
a favourable answer, but Prussia seemed to have 
completely changed from her attitude of champion 
of the old regime. In the summer of 1833, the King 
of Prussia was residing at Teplitz, and Metternich 
persuaded Francis to take advantage of this and 
arrange a meeting with him at Theresienstadt. It 



220 METTERNICH 

was also settled that the Czar should travel to Miin- 
chengratz, in Bohemia; with his Minister, Nesselrode, 
to confer with his brother sovereigns. 

It was not only the Belgian imbroglio that Metter- 
nich wished to have discussed. Ever since the July 
Revolution, he had been watching with alarm its 
effect upon German Liberalism. Most of the smaller 
Courts of Germany had modified their laws and 
constitution in a Liberal direction, either from in- 
clination, or, in some cases, to avoid a revolution. 
Amongst them had been Saxony, Bavaria, Wiirt em- 
berg and Brunswick, where Metternich's erstwhUe 
protege, Duke Charles, had made himself intolerable 
to his people by his reactionary excesses. " Several 
princes," wrote Mettemich in June 1832, " have 
committed the unpardonable crime of giving their 
States constitutions copied from that of France." 

Metternich's letter of instructions to the Austrian 
representatives at Stuttgart shows how seriously he 
viewed the movements, " The issue at stake is the 
salvation of the first of all goods — property, the 
right of possession both in a material and moral 
sense ; the contest in reality lies between those who 
have and those who wish to have." Metternich 
looked upon Liberalism almost as we look upon 
Socialistic doctrines ! 

Already the German booksellers had implored 
Mettemich to restore freedom of the Press to Germany 
that they might be saved from bankruptcy, and in 
many districts, as at Hampach and Frankfurt, riotous 
scenes had taken place in connexion with Liberal 
meetings. Ardent spirits even went so far as to 
hatch a sort of miniature Gunpowder Plot against 



THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1830 221 

the Diet. For Mettemich still employed the Diet 
as the instrument of " stability." To counteract 
the effect of recent events in Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, 
and Saxony, he caused the Diet to pass an enactment 
that no prince might receive a petition for enlarging 
the Privileges of his Estates, and sent round circulars 
to the smaller States of Germany begging them to 
maintain the old order of things. Not the least 
alarming feature of the political position, in Metter- 
nich's eyes, was the desire evinced by a considerable 
party in Germany to obtain unity by forming a 
hegemony of German States under the leadership 
of Prussia. 

To the Conference at Teplitz, Metternich was 
accompanied by his wife. He had married for the 
third time. The old and ambitious Hungarian family 
of Zichy had, since 1825, been scheming for a match 
between Metternich and one of themselves, and partly 
with this object had used their influence to further 
the Austrian Chancellor's Hungarian policy. Metter- 
nich soon perceived, with his unfailing acuteness, 
that the Countess MoUy Zichy, with whom he was 
on friendly terms and constantly corresponded, 
wished him to marry her daughter, Melanie, a proud, 
passionate woman, possessed of great spirit and 
beauty of a rather voluptuous style. When Metter- 
nich, perhaps partly with a view to defeating these 
designs, made his much less imposing marriage with 
Antonia von Leykam, Melanie became engaged to 
Baron Clement Hiigel. But when Antonia died, 
M61anie promptly broke off her engagement ; poor 
Hiigel must perforce drown his grief in foreign travel; 
and the way was clear for his fickle love to marry 



222 METTERNICH 

the Chancellor. Great must have been the joy of 
the designing mother, when, in January 1831, her 
daughter's wedding was celebrated with great pomp 
and in the presence of the whole of Viennese society. 

Hiigel, to his credit be it said, always remained 
devoted to Melanie, and after the revolution of 1848 
it was in great part owing to his aid that the Chancellor 
and his wife were able to make their escape safely 
from Austria. 

Now that he again had a wife to assist him in enter- 
taining, the Chancellor entered with renewed zest 
into Vienna life, and in 1831 and 1832 his mansion 
was the scene of brilliant soirees, balls and dinner 
parties, at which he loved as of yore to display 
the most lavish but refined hospitality. Even from 
the evidence of her own careful Diary, it is clear 
that Princess Melanie thoroughly enjoyed being the 
Chancellor's wife. She posed as a sort of queen of 
Viennese society, and this attitude, combined with 
a want of tact, which on at least one occasion — 
she made uncomplimentary remarks to the French 
ambassador about the French Government and then 
foolishly repeated the conversation to her friends — 
placed Metternich in a most embarrassing situation, 
did not enhance her popularity. Metternich himself 
bitterly remarked that he had omitted to take in 
hand his wife's education. 

There were frequent tiffs between husband and 
wife over small matters. Melanie thought Metternich 
unreasonable because he forbade her to act in some 
theatricals in aid of a charity, and expressed his dis- 
trust of homeopathic doctors. On another occasion, 
Metternich made his wife promise to take the floor 




Photo. Lowy 
PRINCESS METTERNICH, NEE COUNTESS MELANIE ZICHY 

FROM THE PAINTING BY DAFFINGER 



THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1830 223 

at an impending ball. She did not look fifty, he said, 
and ought to dance. The Princess was equal, how- 
ever " to this very embarrassing and disagreeable " 
situation. " I had undertaken," she writes, " to 
act as chaperone and had on a very heavy dress. I 
was, therefore, unable to fulfil my promise to Clement 
to take part at least nominally in the dancing." 
But on the whole, they understood each other. The 
great point was that the Princess admired Metternich's 
abilities. Soon after the honeymoon she wrote : 
" I breakfasted alone to-day with Clement for the 
first time since my marriage. ... I was astounded 
at my excessive ignorance." And as an organizer of 
entertainments she was admirable. The following 
is her account of one given in honour of members of 
a Conference of German Ministers assembled at Vienna 
in 1833 : " The guests arrived very punctually. I 
received them in front of the old house, which was 
covered by a decoration. On the grass a Turkish 
tent had been set up ; on either side were tea tables, 
and the beautiful dresses made the scene very gay. 
Two military bands were stationed near the house 
and played in turns. We waited till 7.30, and then 
went into the pavilion. In the tent a very pretty 
theatre had been set up, and here comic scenes were 
represented. ... It was very amusing and obtained 
general applause. In the salon several pieces of 
music were performed. Buol had arranged a gipsy 
camp in which the gipsies danced, sang, and carried 
on all sorts of pastimes. It was lighted up by Bengal 
fires. On another grass plot were crowds of shepherd- 
esses and shepherds who sang and danced — a very 
pretty sight. , . . We only lingered for a moment 



224 METTERNICH 

in the conservatories to look at the pelargoniums, 
which were just in full bloom. The way through 
the avenue was lighted up by various coloured lamps. 
A crowd of warriors, amazons, nymphs and sylphs 
came to meet us, in the midst of whom appeared 
Scholz, seated in a small car and dressed as Amor. 
He presented a bouquet and declaimed some verses. 
. . . The entertainment closed with some very 
beautiful fireworks in front of the pavUion, and a 
charming military dance performed by children." 

The first chUd of the marriage, a daughter, had 
been born in March 1832 and christened Melanie, 
after her mother, and in April of the following year, 
to Metternich's intense joy, the Princess presented 
her husband with a son. " I never saw Clement so 
pleased," wrote the Princess, " it quite did one good 
to see him." She was more candid than most mothers 
as to the baby's appearance, and wrote in her 
Diary : " I do not share in the general opinion that 
wUl have it that he is good-looking ; to my eyes he is 
hideous and resembles my poor brother Joseph ; to 
make up for it, Melanie is prettier than ever." This 
was hard on " poor brother Joseph." Alas ! Metter- 
nich's joy was short-lived. In June the baby caught 
cold, and after a short illness, which did not at first 
appear serious, died on the loth of the month. 

In July Metternich went to see the Emperor at 
Baden, whither the Princess accompanied him ; 
later on they paid a visit to Konigswart. Metternich 
showed his wife all the beauties of the Chateau, which 
delighted her. In the evening they played draughts. 
" My poor husband is so happy," wrote the Princess, 
"and enjoys his little bit of freedom so thoroughly." 



THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1830 225 

The following day the members of the Imperial 
Chancery came on business and stayed to dinner. 
The evening again ended with draughts, a game of 
which Metternich was very fond. 

On the 26th the Queen of Wiirtemberg came to 
spend the day and was shown round the place. 

At Teplitz Metternich and his wife took up their 
abode in a house belonging to the Prince de Ligny. 
On the day following their arrival, Metternich met 
the King of Prussia, " who is become very stout," 
during a walk in the park, and had a long conversation 
with him. The actual meeting between the sovereigns 
took place on August 9th, and on the following day 
Metternich took his family to visit the battlefield 
of Kulm, and showed them where he and Prince 
Schwarzenberg had stood. On September 4th they 
travelled to Miinchengratz, " a small and very filthy 
town," where the Czar was to meet the Emperor of 
Austria and the Crown Prince of Prussia. A small 
house had been placed at their disposal, " all fairly 
comfortable, but very cold." They had their meals 
at the Chateau, where the Emperor and Empress 
were lodged. After dinner they usually played 
billiards, five a side. The Emperor was devoted to 
the game, but apparently an indifferent performer, 
for the Princess remarks that one afternoon " Melanie 
played on the Emperor's side and lost twice." The 
Empress told Metternich's wife in private conversation 
that she wished the Emperor would go out more into 
society in Vienna, but that Francis always said that 
he hated all the etiquette necessary in his capital. 
The Emperor was very attentive to Princess Melanie, 
and one day at dinner drew a small lion for her on the 
15 



226 METTERNICH 

programme of the music, which she said she should 
hand down as an heirloom. The Czar only arrived 
on September loth. On the 12th he came to visit 
the Princess, when the conversation turned chiefly 
on French politics. On the 14th the Court went 
hunting ; Metternich remained behind to work. 
On the i6th there was a great review, and on the 
following day the Metternichs dined at Court, and 
had the usual game of billiards afterwards, " I 
had the Emperor Nicholas for partner," writes the 
Princess ; "we played very well and won three games." 
Next day the Metternichs started for Vienna, passing 
through Prague on the way. 

The result of the Teplitz and Miinchengratz 
Conferences in regard to German affairs was the 
decision to summon a Conference of German Ministers 
at Vienna to discuss the best method of combating 
the revolutionary spirit. This meeting took place 
early in 1834, under Metternich's direction. In a 
vigorous and eloquent opening speech he bitterly 
inveighed against " the misguided attempts of factions 
to supersede the monarchical principle by the modern 
idea of the sovereignty of the people." " The 
turbulence of the times," he exclaimed, " has given 
birth to a party whom repeated concessions, if not 
actual indulgence of all their demands, have em- 
boldened to an extraordinary degree. Inimical to 
every kind of authority, because it fancies itself to be 
the depository of aU sovereign power, it maintains, 
in the midst of general political peace, an internal 
war ; it corrupts the minds and dispositions of the 
people, corrupts the youth, deludes even those of 
riper years, introduces trouble and discord into all 



THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1830 227 

the public and private relations of life, deliberately 
incites the population to cherish a systematic distrust 
of their rulers, and preaches the destruction and 
annihilation of all that exists." 

The German Ministers were, as usual, subservient. 
It was agreed to take common action against the 
alarming spread of Liberal ideas, even if such action 
involved infringement of the Constitution of any 
particular State. The Diet was more than ever 
revealed as the instrument of absolutism, and when 
in 1837 the King of Hanover suspended his Con- 
stitution, that discredited Assembly refused to 
interfere. To his credit, be it said, that Metternich 
saw the absurdity of thus robbing the smaller States 
of the last relics of political independence, and though 
he maintained that it was done for the best, the real 
reason was that since the July Revolution Francis had 
become so suspicious of everybody and everything 
that he imagined he could only rule through the 
police. Metternich, yielding to his master's wishes, 
thought the only way under the circumstances of 
securing tranquillity was to prevent the masses 
taking any interest in government by confining 
politics to the titled and privileged classes. 

But Metternich's ascendancy over the Diet was of 
little use if Prussia herself took up the cause of 
reform. And the reforming zeal of Frederick 
William IV. seemed likely to bring this about. 
Metternich, always prone to alarm where Prussian 
revolutionary tendencies were concerned, warned the 
King that his capital was swarming with revolution- 
ary plotters, and begged him not to dream of central 
representation for Prussia, which would be the signal 



228 METTERNICH 

for the dissolution of his kingdom. In spite of all 
warnings, Frederick William, whom Metternich 
described as " beyond the limits of any system," 
schemed to unite the Prussian Provincial Diets into 
a Central Assembly. Metternich, with reason, 
observed that the provincial deputies would return to 
their homes as representatives of the Estates of the 
Realm, and his strenuous opposition, backed up by 
that of the Czar, eventually induced the Prussian 
King to give up his Liberal intentions. 

But other portions of Germany continued to give 
trouble. In 1845 revolutionary agitation broke out 
in Baden. The ringleader was imprisoned by Metter- 
nich's orders, but the sedition was not suppressed. 
In 1847 Wiirtemberg again proved troublesome. 
The King had placed a Liberal Ministry in power, 
who promptly summoned a representative Chamber. 
In Bavaria the Liberals also proved that their power 
was not broken. They forced the King to abdicate 
and induced his son and successor to confirm his 
father's decree for the summoning of a Parliament. 
In Hesse Cassel and Darmstadt, Metternich had to 
combat Liberal movements. It was evident that as 
a result of Prussia's wandering from the paths of 
absolutism, Metternich could not as of old instil 
terror into the ranks of Liberalism. The speU was 
broken and events in Germany were trending towards 
the upheaval of 1848, which, finding an echo in 
the hitherto peaceful Austrian dominions, hurled 
Metternich himself from the pinnacle on which he 
had sat for nearly half a century. 

So far as the Belgian Question was concerned, the 
Conferences at Teplitz and Miinchengratz were not, 



THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1880 229 

from Metternich's point of view, a success. Though 
the Chancellor had many interviews with Ancillon, 
the Prussian Minister, he could not persuade him 
to take any vigorous action, and it soon became 
manifest that it was no use hoping for a vigorous 
renewal of the policy of the Holy Alliance. Metter- 
nich could not even induce Russia and Prussia to 
join Austria in dispatching a Joint Note to Paris 
protesting against the encouragement given by Louis 
Philippe's Government to the Belgian revolutionists. 
In the end each Power sent separate Notes, which 
robbed the protest of all effect. Indeed, Austria was 
the only Power who adopted a haughty tone in the 
Note which her Ambassador presented to the French 
Government in November 1833. Louis Philippe 
was not a whit perturbed, and merely replied that he 
had no intention of permitting Austrian intervention 
abroad, either in Belgium or Poland or Piedmont. 
This was embarrassing for Metternich, in view of 
the warm terms in which the Austrian Note had been 
couched. But his conduct admirably illustrated 
his habitual dislike to encountering opposition ; he 
gracefully withdrew from the contest and henceforth 
left France in peace, while Louis Philippe, for his 
part only too glad to be left alone, became something 
very like a despotic ruler, and gave no further anxiety 
to the absolutist Powers. 

In the end the Belgian Revolution afforded only 
one more instance of the decay of Metternich's in- 
fluence. It was left to Great Britain and France, 
not without much mutual unpleasantness, to hammer 
out a settlement, and the independence of Belgium 
was guaranteed by the Powers. Metternich grudg- 



230 METTERNICH 

ingly gave his support to the new order of things. 
" The Belgian affair," he wrote to Count Fiquelmont, 
" is regarded by our august master with the utmost 
abhorrence. However the truth be disguised, it 
starts with countenancing a rebellion." 

Perhaps one reason why Metternich had failed to 
preserve a bold front to France was that the Austrians 
had now lost their most formidable weapon — the 
Duke of Reichstadt. During his lifetime he had 
continually been a focus for Bonapartist plots. 
Metternich had used him as a bugbear wherewith 
to frighten the " parvenu " ruler of France ; it is 
even probable that secretly he would have liked to 
place the Duke on the French throne, but was re- 
strained by the cautious counsels of Francis. His 
policy, therefore, was to listen attentively to the 
Bonapartists, haggle over their guarantees, express 
his sympathy with their aims, ferret out their schemes, 
and do nothing. Metternich, indeed, once explained 
to a Bonapartist agent, who had been drawing rosy 
pictures of the reception which all France would 
accord to the young Duke, if only Austria would 
let him go, that on the contrary such a course would 
only launch the youth upon a sea of trouble, and that 
his grandfather would be guilty of cruel negligence 
if he supported the claim to the throne of France. 
Bonapartism could not prevail without Bonaparte 
— it would merely throw France into confusion. 
StUl the Chancellor never ceased to flirt with the 
upholders of the Napoleonic idea. 

It is perhaps needless to refute the charges which 
have been brought against Metternich and the 
Emperor Francis in respect of their conduct towards 



"'^ JE 



THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1830 231 

Napoleon's son. Little historical truth is contained 
in Rostand's " L'Aiglon " except that Gentz loved 
sweetmeats and that the Duke of Reichstadt con- 
structed a " Robinson Crusoe " cave in the gardens 
of Schonbrunn. Francis was genuinely fond of his 
grandson, but it was impossible to let him go free for 
fear of complications with France, and no captivity 
could be more gilded than that which he endured in 
the delightful Palace of Schonbrunn. His move- 
ments were restricted ; that was unavoidable in view 
of constant Bonapartist intrigues. But he was care- 
fully brought up for a military career. He had a 
passion for history, which was encouraged, and if 
his French governesses were early taken away from 
him, it was because they were spoiling him. 

When Francis bade Mettemich provide suitable 
tutors for his grandson he gave special instructions 
that the young Napoleon should be taught to honour 
his father's memory, and at the same time to recognize 
his faults. The sinister motives attributed by 
Rostand to the tutors whom Metternich appointed 
to superintend his education were utterly without 
foundation. Though the Duke was difficult to deal 
with — ^he was a cold, reserved child, who nevertheless 
had a high spirited temper and loved to thwart his 
superiors in little things — all his tutors, Dietrichstein, 
Foresti, Oberaus, and Collin exercised the greatest 
tact and eventually earned his esteem. Indeed, 
a year before his death, the Duke wrote to Dietrich- 
stein : " My heart's gratitude is as imperishable as 
the pains you took with my education." 

Possessing Napoleon's high spirit and military 
ardour, he not unnaturally chafed at inactivity. He 



282 METTERNICH 

was therefore encouraged to go into Society, where 
his winning personahty and good looks made him a 
general favourite, and he was given the command of 
a Hungarian cavalry regiment. But all was in vain. 
His pride and his ambition revolted against a life 
of splendid unimportance. It is a cruel libel to 
accuse Metternich of pandering to his vices and 
encouraging him to excesses. There is little doubt 
that the young Duke's life was singularly pure. Gentz 
was Fanny Essler's lover and not the Duke of 
Reichstadt. 

It was consumption that slowly undermined his 
health, and the sense that in any case his life must be 
but an empty dream gave him little strength to 
combat it. He refused to take any care of his health, 
and the immediate cause of his death was a chill. 
Metternich visited him just before his death, which 
took place on July 22nd, 1832. " It was a heart- 
rending sight," he wrote to Francis. " I never re- 
member to have seen a more mournful picture of 
decay." Shortly afterwards Metternich received 
from Marie Louise a washhand-stand which had 
formerly belonged to Napoleon, and which had been 
bequeathed by Princess Pauline Borghese to the 
Duke — as a souvenir of her dead son. 



CHAPTER XII 

THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1830 {continued) 

The effect of the French Revolution in Italy — The influence of 
French agents in Italy is exaggerated by Metternich to cloak the 
evils of Austrian rule — The Ancona incident — Growth of national 
spirit in Italy between 1830 and 1848 — Mazzini — The Ticino incident 
precipitates the revolt of Piedmont, which coincides with the fall of 
Metternich — Failure of Metternich to bully the smaller States of 
Italy — ^Metternich and the question of Mehemet Ali — He uses his 
influence successfully in the interests of peace — And incidentally 
breaks down the entente between Great Britain and France — 
Metternich completes twenty-five years' service as Minister — 
Reflection on the curious mixture of strength and weakness in his 
policy — The occupation of Cracow by Austrian troops, though an 
apparent success, was really a blunder — Metternich's diminished 
prestige in Europe — He fails to induce the Powers to coerce the 
Greeks who have induced King Otho to grant a Constitution — And 
is baffled by Palmerston in his attempts to uphold the Sonderbund — 
Great Britain as a factor in the breakdown of the Metternich 
System. 

AS soon as the news arrived of the revolution in 
France, Metternich had written to Francis : 
" The side to which we must turn our attention 
without delay is Italy. It is thither that the revolu- 
tionary impulse wiU unquestionably tend to spread." 
The death of Pope Pius VIII. was the occasion of 
the first outburst in Italy. But it was only in the 
Papacy and in Parma and Modena, where Austria's 
authority was less in evidence than in the north, that 
risings actually occurred. 
Metternich's attitude towards Italian revolutions 



284 METTERNICH 

was rather curious. In themselves he was indined 
to underrate their importance as compared with 
movements in Germany. But he was always haunted, 
or pretended to be haunted, by the idea that foreign 
Powers were inciting the Italians to disloyalty. After 
1815 it had been the Russian agents. This fear was 
now removed. But he still maintained that out- 
side influence was at work, and it was towards France, 
in this case rightly, that his suspicion turned. 
" Nothing can be viler than the Italian Revolution," 
he wrote to Count Apponyi in March 1831. " It 
subsists on the scum of the country, of the Universities, 
and, above all, the instigation and support of the 
French propaganda." And again, " There is nothing 
Italian in the measures by which the revolts have 
been accomplished. The Italian Revolution is a 
Bonapartist Revolution, supported by the party of 
anarchy in France." Metternich, who knew well 
enough that the real cause of discontent was the 
repression of Liberal ideas and of Italian individuality, 
purposely exaggerated the dangers from without. 
Still, subsequent events proved that France was not 
unwilling to revive her ancient pretensions beyond 
the Alps, and there is no doubt that the influence 
of the July Revolution had its effect on Italy. 

As a matter of fact, the Austrian troops, who were 
sent at the request of the new Pope, Gregory XVI., 
easily suppressed the risings in the Papal dominions. 
France gave no aid to the rebels, and the districts 
ruled directly by Austria did not move. The Pope 
promised to institute reform and all seemed quiet. 

Unfortunately the Pope did not keep his promise, 
and in March, Princess Melanie noted in her diary 



THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1880 235 

that " Gentz and Clement are more than ever dis- 
turbed at what is going on." There were fresh 
risings, notably at Ferrara and Bologna, Again the 
Austrians advanced to restore order and occupied 
Ferrara. This time the French retaliated by occupy- 
ing Ancona with a garrison. Everything pointed 
to a war. Metternich talked to Apponyi of " the 
inexplicable affair at Ancona," and indignantly 
coitiplained that " never was a political crime of the 
most flagrant character committed with greater 
thoughtlessness . ' ' 

As a matter of fact, nothing came of this curious 
revival of Hapsburg and French rivalry in Italy. 
The two garrisons remained inactive unil 1838, when 
both were withdrawn. 

Hitherto there had been no sort of combined and 
organized rising in Italy against Metternich's System. 
Spasmodic and isolated revolts in different portions 
of the Peninsula had been crushed with little difficulty, 
and furthered not a jot the cause of Italian unity. 
As yet there was hardly even a coherent idea of 
nationality in the minds of most Italians, and it 
seemed most unlikely that a people accustomed 
to be divided into a number of small and mutually 
antagonistic States would ever combine to deliver 
the land from foreign domination. 

The years between the two French revolutions 
are chiefly interesting because during that period 
Mazzini was gradually supplying the ingredient which 
was hitherto lacking to all schemes for the discomfiture 
of Austria. By him national spirit in Italy was 
evolved, and the Society of Young Italy, which he 
founded for the fiurtherance of this object, soon grew 



236 METTERNICH 

apace and superseded the rough and ready methods 
of the Carbonari. 

Mettemich, to do him justice, never underrated 
the importance of Mazzini's influence. Early in 
1834 he wrote to his agents in North Italy warning 
them of the danger arising from the secret spread 
of Liberal organization. Spies, acting under his 
orders, dogged the footsteps of Mazzini wherever he 
went, and copies of all his publications were procured 
for the Government at Vienna. A great Calabrian 
rising, carefully matured in 1844, was only frustrated 
by the action of Sir James Graham, the British 
Postmaster-General, who opened some of Mazzini's 
correspondence, which contained letters from the 
conspirators. For a time the revolutionaries were 
cowed b}^ a series of repressive measures, and by the 
object lesson provided by the summary aid given by 
Metternich to the Russian Government in quelling 
the revolution in Poland. 

But in 1841 occurred what is known as the " Ticino 
Incident." It originated in a dispute over the salt 
trade, the cause of many wars in mediaeval Italy. 
In 175 1 Austria had made a Treaty with Sardinia, 
by which she agreed to grant to Piedmont the right 
of sending salt destined for Venice by way of Lom- 
bardy on condition that Sardinia in return promised 
to discontinue her trade with the Swiss Cantons. In 
1846, however, Charles Albert acceded to a request 
from the Swiss Cantons to be allowed to send their 
salt through Piedmont. Metternich was furious. 
Not only were the Swiss Cantons in general the 
hereditary enemies of the House of Hapsburg ; not 
only did they represent a republican and democratic 



THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1830 287 

institution situated in the midst of Austria's sphere 
of influence, but Ticino, whence the salt principally 
was obtained, was especially odious to Mettemich 
as having afforded a refuge to Mazzini and many 
other Italian refugees. 

Metternich informed Charles Albert that he con- 
sidered that the Treaty of 175 1 had been violated, and 
expressed his displeasure more practically by increas- 
ing the custom duties on wines sent from Piedmont 
to Lombardy. But Charles Albert was not to be 
cowed. He merely lowered the wine duties operating 
between Piedmont and France. Metternich became 
alarmed and hastily offered to annul the offending 
measure, provided that Charles Albert would with- 
draw his concessions to Ticino. But the King refused, 
and hurried on his preparations for war. 

That war broke out after Metternich's fall, in the 
general confusion that followed the Revolution of 
1848 ; others had to cope with the situation which 
had been brought about by the tyrannous Italian 
policy of the Austrian Chancellor. 

Charles Albert was not the only ruler nor Piedmont 
the only country which proved a thorn in the side of 
Metternich in his dealings with Italy in the years 
before his fall. 

The Papacy was the last quarter from which reform 
might have been anticipated, and Mettemich had 
once remarked that no Pope could be a Liberal. 
Yet, in 1846, on the death of Pope Gregory XVI., 
a staunch upholder of Metternich's System in Italy, 
Pius IX. gave evidence of such aspirations after 
reform as to draw down upon him the grave dis- 
pleasure of the Austrian Chancellor. As it proved. 



238 METTERNICH 

these reforms were more apparent than real. But 
Metternich was alarmed. He is thought — but the 
matter is very doubtful — to have countenanced 
an unsuccessful plot hatched against the Pope by 
the Austrian faction at Rome. At any rate, he showed 
his displeasure more openly by increasing the Austrian 
garrison at Ferrara as a protest against Papal policy. 
But here England and France stepped in and sent 
fleets to the Bay of Naples, while Palmerston an- 
nounced that the Austrian troops must depart at 
once. Metternich reluctantly complied, and in 
December 1847 Ferrara was evacuated. The result 
of this set-back to Austria was a rising in Naples and 
the granting of a Constitution to Piedmont by King 
Charles Albert. 

If he failed to coerce the Pope, Metternich was 
equally unsuccessful in bringing over the Archduke 
Leopold to his views. This Prince ruled wisely and 
well over Tuscany, aided by a councillor of very 
Liberal tendencies, Cosimo Ridolfi. Metternich 
clamoured for the dismissal of Ridolfi, but Leopold 
insisted on retaining him. 

In the north-east the patriot Manin was inciting 
his countrymen in Venice to rise against the domina- 
tion of Austria. It was evident that Italy was 
ripe for taking advantage of the general upheaval 
of 1848. 

In order to show that, when he liked, Metternich 
could pursue an honest, firm and undeviating policy, 
it is interesting to note his attitude towards the 
quarrel between the Porte and its vassal, Mehemet 
Ali, Pasha of Egypt, a quarrel he described to the 
Austrian Ambassador in Paris as " that detestable 



THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1830 239 

business, which every reasonable Power ought to be 
glad to have nothing to do with." 

Mehemet Ali had demanded Sjnria as a reward for 
his services to the Porte in the Greek War. When 
the Turkish Government refused, the Pasha sent his 
son Ibrahim with an army into Syria. The Turkish 
generals who opposed him were defeated and Con- 
stantinople was threatened. Turkey implored the 
aid of Russia, who, always ready to have a finger in 
an Ottoman pie, sent ships and troops to her succour. 

It was now that the Powers intervened. Metternich, 
irritated with Russia's success in the last phase of the 
Near Eastern Question, joined England and France 
in their representations to Russia. His aim was to 
lay the bugbear of Russian designs on Turkey without 
coming to an open break, and the only way of gaining 
his end appeared to be by arranging peace at any 
price between the Porte and Egypt. As he wrote to 
Count Apponyi in Paris, " The existence and preserva- 
tion of the Ottoman Porte, whatever anomalies it 
may present in many respects with Christian civiliza- 
tion, are a common benefit for Europe and in especial 
a political necessity for Austria." 

At first Metternich's efforts to turn Mehemet Ali 
and the Porte into paths of peace seemed likely to 
be successful, especially when Mehemet agreed to 
withdraw from the neighbourhood of Constantinople 
on condition of receiving Syria. It meant the aban- 
donment of Metternich's principle of supporting the 
integrity of the Ottoman dominions, but it also 
meant peace. At this time, although suspicious of 
France, Metternich thought that Great Britain and 
Russia were sincerely anxious for peace. " We 



240 METTERNICH 

acquit Russia," he had written to Neumann in London 
in February 1833, " of any aggressive views in regard 
to the Ottoman Empire." 

But Russia stole a march on him and upset all his 
calculations. She induced Turkey to sign the Treaty 
of Unkiar Skelessi, by which Russia gained a voice 
in Turkish internal affairs and formed a military 
alliance with Turkey, and the passage of the Darda- 
nelles was forbidden to foreign ships. 

Metternich, England, and France were furious at 
this clever and successful diplomatic move. But 
Metternich saw that moderation was essential if a 
European war was to be avoided, and conceived the 
idea of posing as the old friend of Russia and offering 
to mediate between her and the two Western Powers. 
Metternich arranged a meeting with the Czar at 
Miinchengratz and simultaneously dispatched Notes 
to the Governments of England and France. 

His diplomacy was successful. England and 
France suspended their warlike preparations, and 
Austria and Russia made an agreement guaranteeing 
the integrity of Turkey. For the time Metternich 
might plume himself upon his abilities as a peace- 
maker, though Turkey's refusal to allow the French 
and English fleets to pass the Dardanelles bid fair to 
renew the danger. 

Nor was it long before Mehemet Ali again revolted. 
This time he was supported by an extraordinary 
wave of popular feeling in France, whUe the Sultan 
was backed by England and Russia. 

Austria was courted by both sides, and the Czar 
even undertook another journey to Teplitz to try 
and win over Metternich to his side. 



THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1830 241 

But Metternich's great object was to avoid war, 
and he steadfastly refused to intervene, though he 
announced that if war broke out, Austria would 
willingly mediate. He probably felt that the two 
Oriental potentates were better left to fight out their 
quarrel in their own way. 

France, the champion of the Pasha of Egypt, also 
endeavoured to gain Austria's support, but Metter- 
nich's only reply was to suggest a Congress at Con- 
stantinople, which did not prove acceptable. As early 
as 1833 Metternich suspected France of designs on 
Egypt, and wrote to Prokesch at Alexandria, " France 
looks upon Egypt as a conquest which sooner or later 
must be hers." 

In 1839 three disasters befell the Ottoman Empire ; 
their fleet was captured, their army was defeated, 
and the Sultan died ; and the question arose whether 
Russia would seize the favourable opportunity, 
invade the Turkish dominions and probably cause 
a universal war. 

So grave seemed the crisis that when he went for 
his usual autumn visit to Johannisberg, Metternich 
took with him the whole of the Chancellor's staff. 
Here he was besieged by the representatives of the 
contending parties. England sought his aid for the 
preservation of Turkish integrity. France, still 
suffering from Egyptomania, urged the rights of her 
pet Pasha. This was what Metternich loved. He 
professed neutrality, but it was very evident that he 
would ultimately declare for the English policy of 
propping up the Ottoman Empire. 

At last, early in 1840, England, Austria, Prussia 
and Russia agreed to coerce the Pasha of Egypt. 
i6 



242 METTERNICH 

The war fever which raged in France was quenched by 
threats from the four aUied powers, and Metternich, 
ever eager to be on the winning side, sent an Austrian 
squadron to join Stopford, the British Admiral who 
was entrusted with the task of crushing the Egyptian 
fleet. 

The successful co-operation of the Austrian and 
British squadrons awoke in Metternich quite a cordial, , 
of temporary, affection for Great Britain, of which the 
outward and visible sign was a warm letter of thanks 
to Stopford written on behalf of the Austrian Emperor. 
The only danger now was the warlike instincts of 
the Porte, engendered by success and backed up 
indirectly by Palmerston and the British Government. 
Seeing this, Metternich, in the interests of peace, 
supported France in her appeal that Egj^t should be 
saved to Mehemet Ali. This formed the basis of 
that peaceful settlement which was ultimately made 
at the end of 1840. 

Mehemet Ali acknowledged the suzerainty of the 
Porte and kept Egypt. Metternich's policy through- 
out had been singularly free from intrigue, moderate 
and consistent, and he had succeeded in detaching 
France from her friendship with England. This had 
long been the aim of Metternich. He had jealously 
watched the effect of the rapprochment of the Western 
Powers, as illustrated by the Belgian Question and 
the revolutionary movement in Italy. " Every- 
where," he had written in 1833, " we find the same 
boastful spirit, the same inordinate desire on the 
part of the French Government to engross at whatever 
cost the leading questions of the day." He had 
warned the French ambassador at Vienna that Great 



THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1830 243 

Britain was making France a catspaw, and compared 
their alliance to that of Man and the Horse, and 
endeavoured, by keeping up a correspondence with 
Louis Philippe's sister, who had great influence 
over that king, to maintain a check on French 
policy. 

This aim had been achieved in the solution of the 
problem of Mehemet Ali. In October 1834 Metternich 
celebrated the completion of twenty-five years' service 
as Minister. In spite of the congratulations which 
were showered upon him and the handsome medal 
with which his subordinates presented him, did he 
reflect upon the change which had come over his 
position in Europe during the last decade, nay, even 
since the Revolution of 1830 ? To others, at least, it 
must have been manifest. 

Though still a commanding figure in European 
politics and a statesman whose advice was frequently 
sought by the most acute diplomatists, the policy he 
now pursued was more timid, more elastic, less enter- 
prising. He feared isolation and liked to be on the 
winning side more and more as years advanced. He 
trimmed and temporized, always seeking the welfare 
of Austria and a balance of power in Europe. Though 
it was manifest to all that in Greece, in Belgium, in 
Portugal, in Spain and in South America, his system 
had been flouted and that the power of the Holy 
Alliance was broken, he was content to yield to the 
inevitable. Where he was strong in Germany, in 
Italy, and in Switzerland, he still sought to repress 
Liberalism with a heavy hand. But already we have 
seen how Italy and Germany were rousing themselves 
to shake off the fetters of his system, and ere his own 



244 METTERNICH 

fall Switzerland was destined, under the aegis of 
Palmerston,- to deal the last shattering blow. 

The last years of Metternich's control of Austrian 
foreign policy are melancholy reading. Already 
before the forces of revolution had hurled him from 
power, he witnessed the triumph of Liberal principles 
in almost all those portions of Europe where he had 
combated them most fiercely. He felt in his heart of 
hearts that his efforts had been in vain, and although 
in the years previous to 1848 he made a few despair- 
ing efforts, which ended in ignominious failure, to 
gather up the threads of his old policy, for the most 
part he seemed resigned to the inevitable and con- 
tented himself with grumbling criticisms and sinister 
prophecies of the evils threatening the generation 
which had grown up around him. 

One specious success appeared to attend the last 
years of his power. In 1846 Austrian troops occupied 
the free Republic of Cracow. This course had been 
suggested by the Czar to Metternich at the Conference 
at Miinchengratz, when it was agreed to occupy 
Cracow with troops contributed by the three Eastern 
Powers in 1823 as a means of punishing the inhabitants 
for their active participation in the Polish Revolution. 
Then Metternich had hesitated, but later, partly 
from territorial greed, partly from fear that Russia 
or Prussia might seize it if Austria did not, he deter- 
mined to act upon the Czar's suggestion. The opposi- 
tion of Prussia nearly led to a war between Austria 
and England, Prussia and France. But Metternich 
relied on the enmity which had sprung up between 
France and Great Britain over the Spanish marriages, 
and calmly retained his acquisition. 



THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1830 245 

Though he had apparently scored a success, it was 
a great blunder. Not only had Austria, by splitting 
up the last surviving portion of Poland, the independ- 
ence of which had been guaranteed at the Congress 
of Vienna, belied her fidelity to the Holy Alliance, 
but the traditional policy of Maria Theresa, Kaunitz, 
and the old Austrian statesmanship, of maintaining 
an Independent Poland as a buffer-state against 
Russian aggression had been cast to the winds. 

For a moment, in 1843, the Grecian Question rose 
to prominence when King Otto was forced to grant 
constitutional government. Metternich, in the hope 
of reviving Austria's influence at Athens, hopelessly 
extinguished by the issue of the struggle for independ- 
ence, strove to procure a Conference of the Powers 
for the purpose of coercing Greece. But his appeal 
met with no response ; the day of intervention under 
Austrian leadership was over, and Metternich re- 
luctantly left Grecian affairs to be composed by 
Russia, Great Britain and France. 

Ever since 1830 Switzerland had occupied the 
attention of the Austrian Chancellor. In 1834 he 
had written to Count Apponyi : " It is the July 
Revolution that has made Switzerland what she is ; 
that unhappy country no longer possesses a govern- 
ment, whether central or cantonal ; what governs 
them is the Clubs, and they consist of all the human 
dregs of Europe." He also compared the combating of 
revolutionary doctrines in Switzerland with establish- 
ing quarantine against an Eastern plague, and talked 
of drawing " a moral cordon " round Switzerland. 

Matters went from bad to worse, and a religious as 
well as political schism rent the Cantons into two 



246 METTERNICH 

camps. Practically the Catholic Cantons, headed 
by Lucerne, identified themselves with the opposition 
to the Liberal and reforming party, which consisted 
chiefly of Protestants. For the sake of cohesion 
these Catholic Cantons formed themselves into a 
league called the " Sonderbund " for the maintenance 
of the old feudal forms of government. 

Now Metternich in the ordinary course of things 
would have supported the Catholic Cantons without 
hesitation. But he had always had a great aversion 
to the Jesuits as representing an element liable to 
disturb stability in government by religious fanaticism, 
and it happened that the first act of the " Sonderbund " 
had been to recall the Jesuits to Lucerne. At first this 
was enough to deter Metternich from intervening 
on behalf of the reactionary party. But when, in 
1847, a majority of the Federal Assembly decided to 
overthrow the " Sonderbund " and expel the Jesuits, 
Metternich at once endeavoured to put the Concert 
of the Powers in motion for the coercion of this revolu- 
tionary movement and the defence of the reactionary 
Cantons. Palmerston, who was determined to secure 
the victory of the Liberals, whom he knew to be the 
stronger party in Switzerland, created delay after 
delay by not answering the notes addressed by the 
Continental Powers to the British Foreign Office, while 
at the same time he urged the Swiss Liberals to strike. 

In the end the Liberal Cantons overwhelmed the 
reactionaries and expelled the Jesuits, and the Powers, 
finding that there was no longer any " Sonderbund " 
to defend, could merely look foolish. Metternich, 
though he had no sympathy with the Jesuits, was 
furious at the pernicious example of successful 



THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1880 247 

Liberalism displayed at the very threshold of the 
Austrian Empire. He strove to induce the Powers 
to let Austrian troops intervene in Switzerland. 
Perhaps he might have succeeded, but it was too 
late. Swiss Liberalism was saved by the Revolution 
of 1848. 

It was, perhaps, fitting that Great Britain, which 
by her policy under Canning had indirectly done sO 
much to break through the meshes of Metternich's 
system, should also deliver the final blow. Every- 
where Metternich saw disaster overtaking the fabric 
of Austrian supremacy which he had raised up with 
so much toil. Russia had to a great extent taken 
her place in the Councils of Europe. In Germany, 
Prussia was fast becoming a serious rival to Austrian 
influence. The Zollverein, or Tariff Union, which 
she formed almost with the aid of Metternich, had 
bound her to her smaller neighbours and assured her 
of faithful supporters in any future struggle. This 
fact was obvious to all and had its effect in the growth 
of opposition to the Metternich system in the Diet, 
in the Universities, and in everyday life. Liberalism 
took heart ; if Austrian diplomacy sustained checks 
from Liberal statesmen abroad, why should Germany 
consent to be dictated to from Vienna ? Events 
were more and more tending towards that general 
uprising of intellectual as weU as physical opposition 
which overwhelmed the system symbolized by the 
Carlsbad Decrees. 



CHAPTER XIII 

DOMESTIC POLICY 

Nature of the Austrian Constitution — The Council of State and the 
" Privy Council " — Dependence of the Constitution for its smooth 
working upon the character of the Emperor — The prevalence of 
" red tape " and lack of initiative — This condition of affairs was 
not the result of the Metternich system — Metternich was not the 
deadly opponent of all reform — His attempts to reform the Council 
of State — Death of the Emperor Francis — Character of Ferdinand 
— Metternich's position under the new ruler — His rivalry with 
Kolowrat causes much anxiety to Archduke Louis, who has to keep 
the peace — Evil results upon the administration — Creation of the 
Conference of State — Metternich's attitude towards the Press — The 
ZoUverein — Metternich desires to procure Austria's inclusion in 
it — Scheme for a Mid-European Tariff Union — Failing in this, 
Metternich endeavours to reform and assimilate the Tariff systems of 
the Austrian Empire — But is equally unsuccessful — Explanation of 
Metternich's apparent indifference to the need of internal reform 
in Austria — Such efforts as he makes towards reform are balked by 
opposition in the Council — Reforms are constantly shelved until the 
eve of the 1848 Revolution — A strong party antagonistic to Metter- 
nich is formed at Court — Metternich's relations with the Church — 
Growing desire in Austria for Metternich's resignation 

THE Constitution of Austria until 1848 was Feudal 
— in origin, in form and in intricacy. There 
was no Ministry in the modern sense of the word ; 
the work of administration was carried on by a series 
of Court Officers, that is to say, each department 
of State, such as Finance or War, and each of the 
three chief divisions of the Empire, Austria Proper, 
Hungary and Transylvania, were controlled by 
separate Councils holding office from the Crown. 

248 



DOMESTIC POLICY 249 

For instance, military matters were administered 
by the famous Aulic Council of War; Foreign policy 
and the business of the Imperial Household by the 
House - Court - and State - Chancellor (Metternich's 
office) ; while Hungary was ruled by an Aulic Chancellor 
of its own. All those branches of Government, as 
well as Police Censorship, Justice and the rest, were 
entirely separate from each other. At the meetings 
of the various CouncUs, measures were in most cases 
carried by a majority of votes, but the President 
had power to veto any decision which he deemed 
inadvisable. 

The Empress Maria Theresa, seeing that there was 
a lack of cohesion and intercommunication between 
the various Court offices, formed a Council of State, 
to which she invited representatives from the various 
departmental Councils for the purpose of giving her 
advice, associating with them carefully chosen states- 
men of experience. So long as the Court offices 
and Council of State were suffered to perform their 
original functions, no need was felt of a Ministry in 
the modem sense of the word. But the Emperor 
Francis, by enlarging the Council of State, diminished 
its prestige, and in part superseded it, since he fre- 
quently either attended himself to matters referred 
up from the departments or disposed of them in 
" Cabinet-Fashion " by handing them over to a 
Minister or even an ordinary member of the Court. 
This custom of derogating the Emperor's powers 
to a few trusty advisers developed a sort of Privy 
Council, existing side by side with the Council of 
State and performing much the same functions. 
Neither satisfied the crying need of the Austrian 



250 METTERNICH 

Constitution for a central and authoritative connecting 
link between the various departments. 

So long as the Emperor Francis lived, the position 
was tolerable. He was a remarkably capable man 
of business, and actually succeeded in the formidable 
task of gathering all the threads of Austrian Ad- 
ministration into his own hands. Still, all depended 
upon the capacity of the Emperor, and in spite of 
the industry of Francis, his system was not beneficial 
to the proper working of the Constitution. The 
feeling that the whole administration centred in the 
Emperor engendered a universal desire to shift re- 
sponsibility, and his constant interference in the 
minutest details checked individual initiative. No 
subordinate would move a step without the sanction 
of his immediate superior, and a remarkably cumbrous 
system of appeals to the Emperor in cases where one 
official considered that he had suffered injustice from 
another caused interminable inquiries and com- 
missions, which sometimes resulted in a trumpery 
case occupying the time of busy officials for many 
years without any conclusion being reached. 

Moreover, the amount of red tape prevailing in 
the Court offices would be almost incredible even to 
the severest critic of the old British War Office. It 
was an inviolable maxim that every case for which 
there was no precedent must be referred to the 
Emperor. One example wUl suffice. If a conscript, 
summoned for military service claimed exemption, 
and his claim, however just, did not exactly conform 
to those urged and granted in any previous case, the 
matter must be referred to the Emperor. Yet the 
duty of determining the total number of recruits to 



DOMESTIC POLICY 251 

be annually raised, a number which naturally varied 
indefinitely year by year, rested entirely in the hands 
of the Aulic Council of War. 

Again, the Emperor's habit of entrusting unofficial 
personages with the most important affairs of State 
and requesting their advice, the absence of any 
definite connexion between the Court offices, the 
Council of State, and what we may call, for want of 
a better word, the " Cabinet," and of any definition 
of their respective spheres of duty, gave rise to an 
extraordinary amount of j ealousy and misunderstand- 
ing between the various members of this inimitable 
bureaucracy. 

The result was that an enormous amount of work 
was accomplished day by day in the various depart- 
ments of Austrian Government with no tangible 
result. Quieta non movere was as much the motto 
of Francis as it was of Walpole, and it has been well 
said that under his system " the machinery of Austrian 
administration ceased to move." No reform, or 
suggestion of reform, in the Constitution was suffered 
for a moment. " Let us sleep upon it," is said to 
have been Francis' favourite reply when a new sug- 
gestion was put before him, and sleep was the dominant 
characteristic of the Austrian Empire. 

It is most unfair to call this state of affairs the 
result of Metternich's system. From first to last, up 
to the date of Francis' death, it was Francis' system. 
That Metternich was to blame for not thrusting his 
views upon the Emperor, and insisting on changes 
which he knew were necessary, may be asserted with 
some justice. That was the fault of the Chancellor's 
yielding nature. The truth is, that Francis, while he 



252 METTERNICH 

left Mettemich a free hand in Foreign policy, practi- 
cally controlled the Home Department single-handed. 
He might ask Metternich's advice ; he might even 
entrust him with the management of some special 
detail. But, undoubtedly, Francis was responsible 
in the main for the fact that a " disastrous system of 
finance founded on a mere delusion — the extinction 
of the old National Debt — increased annually the 
burden of interest due by the State, without furnishing 
by way of compensation any new capital to open 
fresh sources of national wealth ; a bigoted attachment 
to whatever was established, closed a door against 
such improvements in the legislative or executive 
departments as were suitable to the exigencies 
of the times ; and even when a conviction of the 
necessity of reforms was acknowledged they were 
delayed, or their effect rendered nugatory, by numer- 
ous doubts and by endless discussions as to whether, 
in place of the alteration proposed, something better 
might not perhaps be substituted." ^ 

In spite of this, Francis never quite lost his popu- 
larity ; nor in all probability did he ever know that 
he had even aroused any discontent, although in his 
later years the example of a more Liberal government 
in neighbouring countries and the rise of national 
spirit even in Austria boded ill for the continuance 
of his system. 

If it be taken for granted that the system under 
which Austria was governed, at any rate up to 1835, 
was that of the Emperor Francis, and not Metternich's, 
it will be unnecessary to examine the details of its 

^ Genesis of the Austrian Revolution. Coxe's " House of Austria ," 
Bohn's Library Edition, p. 9. 



DOMESTIC POLICY 258 

working except so far as Metternich had a voice 
in it. 

In the interval between the disastrous war of 1809 
and the Russian invasion, many useful reforms were 
carried out in Austria, but it cannot be said that 
Metternich was the author of them. The reorganiza- 
tion of the Finance, for instance, which was in a 
deplorable condition, was entrusted to Count Wallis, 
who performed his task with an unusual display of 
independence and ability. It is noteworthy that 
Metternich was at first inclined to oppose Wallis' 
suggestions, but eventually, finding that they received 
wide support, warmly espoused them. The re- 
organization of the Austrian military system was 
entrusted to Count Bellegarde, a man who, according 
to Metternich, '" understood, as well as I did, the 
value of letting men talk," and it is to him and not 
to Metternich that the credit for its successful ac- 
complishment is due. The fact is, that Metternich 
was much too busy with the affairs of Europe to give 
adequate attention to domestic questions ; and the 
obvious desire of Francis to be his own Minister for 
the Interior encouraged him to leave them alone. 
" Social Questions, therefore," he wrote, " I placed 
in the background, but in the very first rank I placed 
the preservation of what remained of the Austrian 
Empire." And for this purpose it was the foreign 
relations of Austria, especially with France, that were 
reaUy important. 

But since it has been frequently asserted that 
Metternich was the deadly enemy of aU reform, it is 
worth while to demonstrate that he was constantly 
agitating for a change in the Constitution, and 



254 METTERNICH 

latterly, even in the Tariff System of the Austrian 
Empire. 

Let it be said once and for all that, however 
timidly and however unsuccessfully he put his con- 
victions into force, Metternich was thoroughly con- 
vinced of the necessity for reform in the Austrian 
Empire. He was often heard to deplore the fact 
that the Empire was administered but not governed. 
The pity of it is that while thoroughly recognizing 
the need for change, Metternich refused to allow 
anything to be done by the people ; whatever was 
to be done must be effected for the people by 
the Government. Moreover his yielding and pliant 
nature was not proof against opposition, and so long 
as Francis, or even, as after his death, a strong party 
at Court opposed aU reform Metternich could not 
harden his heart to carry out what he knew to be 
right and necessary. 

During the first years of his accession to power, 
Metternich sought to develop the ideas of Kaunitz 
and make the Council of State a deliberative and 
advisory body, subordinate only to the Emperor, and 
acting as a connecting link between the Emperor 
and the various Court offices and between the Court 
offices themselves. This would have relieved the 
Emperor from attending to a mass of details while 
preserving his superior power, and would have helped 
to remedy that great defect of the Austrian Constitu- 
tion — the complete severance of the executive from 
the legislative power. Also he was continually 
suggesting to Francis schemes for the improvement 
of the relations between the central and local govern- 
ments and the general administration of the various 



DOMESTIC POLICY 255 

dependencies of the Austrian Empire. All these 
schemes were constantly shelved by Francis, and to 
Metternich's bitter disappointment were never put 
into force. It must be admitted, however, that he 
never tried to force Francis to accept his views ; 
that would have belied his characteristic disinclination 
to sacrifice favour to principles. 

We may, then, pass over rapidly that portion of 
domestic politics which coincides with the reign of 
Francis ; merely emphasizing the fact that to all 
intents and purposes no change took place in the 
Constitution, and that every foreign influence which 
might have aroused discontent in Austria was rigidly 
excluded by a complicated system of Police, Press 
Censor, and Protective Tariff. 

The Emperor Francis died on March 2nd, 1835. 
He had only fallen ill on February 25th, but by the 
28th it was clear that he was dying. Princess Metter- 
nich in her Diary relates how her cook temporarily 
raised the Chancellor's hopes for the Emperor's 
recovery in a curious manner. She won 2,800 florins 
in a lottery after purchasing three tickets bearing 
the following numbers : 12 (the date of the Emperor's 
birth was February 12th), 43 (March ist, the date 
when the Princess made the entry in her Diary was 
the 43rd anniversary of his accession), and 67, which 
was the age of the Emperor. " We look upon this," 
wrote the Princess, " as a good omen." 

But superstition, not for the first time in the world's 
history, proved a broken reed. On the very day 
when these words were written in the Princess' Diary 
the old Emperor passed away. The immediate cause 
was exhaustion from excessive bleeding by the doctors. 



256 METTERNICH 

By the death of Francis, Metternich lost a firm 
friend and a staunch political ally ; it was not abso- 
lutely certain whether he would maintain his position 
under the new regime. To have been deprived of 
power at this juncture would have been a terrible 
blow for Metternich. High office had become so much 
a part of his existence that he could not even imagine 
himself as a private person. A General on the retired 
list was one day bemoaning his inactivity in the 
presence of the Chancellor, who suggested cards and 
the usual pastimes of the idle. " But," expostulated 
the General, " what would you do if you were out of 
power ? " " You are imagining," replied Metternich, 
" an impossible contingency." 

Since his third marriage a marked change had come 
over the Chancellor. He became a family man in a 
much truer sense than ever before, spent more time 
at home, and also worked harder at the Chancellery. 
Still time had not healed his characteristic fault of 
self-complacency. He loved to inflict his views on 
others, on ambassadors who visited him on business, 
on casual visitors, on Austrian representatives abroad, 
whom he bombarded with voluminous despatches. 
Always he sought to impress upon people that his 
actions were grounded on profound statesmanship, 
though in reality no statesman ever sacrificed prin- 
ciples more readily to the needs of the moment. Of 
one fact there is no doubt, and that is, that Metternich 
regarded himself as indispensable to Austria if not 
to Europe ; his death or fall would be nothing less 
than a national disaster. The question was, would 
the new Emperor hold the same view ? 

The Emperor Ferdinand succeeded to the throne 




THE EMPEROR FRANCIS I OF AUSTRIA 

AFTER THE PAINTING UY SIK THOMAS I.AXyKENCE 



DOMESTIC POLICY 257 

at the age of thirty-six. His constitution was deHcate, 
and at one time his Hfe had been despaired of. He 
had obtained some previous experience of govern- 
ment, for Francis had taken care that instruction 
in statecraft should form part of his training. He 
was weak, kind-hearted, and full of good intentions, 
but it was obvious from the first that his health would 
never permit him to take a prominent part in public 
affairs. 

Still it was equally obvious that he intended to 
retain Metternich in power, and obeying the instruc- 
tions of his father's will to rely entirely upon Metter- 
nich, " my truest servant and best friend," he received 
him with marked affection when he came to offer 
his congratulations. "They feel at Court," wrote 
Princess Metternich joyfully, " how necessary he is 
to them." Soon afterwards, in a very friendly 
letter, the new Emperor confirmed the Chancellor in 
his appointments. 

Nevertheless, Mettemich's position was in a sense 
altered. Ferdinand never placed the same complete 
and peculiar trust in his Chancellor as Metternich 
had enjoyed under Francis. Moreover, Ferdinand's 
ill-health prevented him, even if he had had the 
ability, from gathering into his own hands the reins 
of Austrian Administration. This meant that there 
would be a struggle for power amongst the more 
prominent statesmen, and that the inherent weakness 
of the Austrian Constitution, the complete separation 
of the Legislative and Executive, would be enhanced. 
And here let it be remarked that if only Metternich 
had been a statesman, and not merely a brilliant 
diplomatist, he would have chosen this moment for 
17 



258 METTERNICH 

the prosecution of reforms. He professes in his 
Memoirs to have constantly urged Francis in this 
direction, and to have been invariably thwarted by 
the Emperor. Why, then, did he not make his 
influence felt at the accession of a new Emperor, 
eager to benefit his subj ects, eager to secure popularity ? 
True, the reign began with some mUd and salutary 
measures, and the Italian political prisoners confined 
in the dungeons of Spielberg and Munkacz, for whose 
release Metternich had often interceded with Francis, 
were suffered to emigrate to America. But the 
golden opportunity for remedying the defects of the 
constitution, and for modifying that system whereby 
the inhabitants of the Austrian dominions were 
treated like unreasoning children by a somnolent if 
patriarchal government, was allowed to slip by. Too 
acute not to observe what was required, but too weak 
to do aught beyond state his views, Metternich has 
laid himself open to the charge of aiding and abetting 
that effete system which Francis had developed and 
which was to last until the forces of Revolution 
overwhelmed it. 

The persons with whom Metternich shared the 
chief power in the State were three in number. There 
was the famous chief of police, Sedlinitzky, who carried 
out with admirable precision all those complicated 
measures designed to protect Austria from the noxious 
and revolutionary influences of the outside world, 
and repress such ebullitions of Liberal enthusiasm 
as threatened the tranquillity of the slumbering 
nations within. But far more important to Austria 
were the relations between Metternich and Count 
Kolowrat, State-and-Conference Minister, who con- 



DOMESTIC POLICY 259 

fined himself to the sphere of internal politics. 
Kolowrat was aristocratic, ambitious, and a keen 
reformer, eager for the rights of the middle classes 
and the amelioration of the peasants' lot. 

Now Metternich was, as has been observed before, 
not averse to reform ; only he was more cautious 
than Kolowrat, who was inclined to take risks. The 
real danger lay in the fact that Metternich regarded 
Kolowrat as his rival, and sought to undermine his 
influence. From this time, two parties were formed 
at Court, supporting Kolowrat and Metternich re- 
spectively, and a sordid struggle for predominance 
began which was fraught with serious consequences 
for Austria. The balance was held by Archduke 
Louis, the Emperor's uncle. He held no definite 
post, but since the accession of Ferdinand had repre- 
sented the Emperor in the Council of State, and being 
hard-working and business-like, practically held the 
supreme position in the State. The late Emperor 
had placed great confidence in him, and the Archduke 
endeavoured to foUow out his brother's principles 
in every respect. " No change," was almost a fetish 
with him, and like his brother he reposed the most 
implicit trust in Metternich's abilities. Ferdinand's 
iU-health enhanced the defects of the constitution. 
There was no responsible head, and in spite of the 
efforts of Archduke Louis to hold the balance the 
State was torn by rivalries, which it seemed impossible 
to heal. The climax came in 1836, when the illness of 
Ferdinand made it positively necessary to form a 
central board of control. At this period the party 
opposed to Metternich was so strong that his fall 
seemed a probable contingency. 



260 METTERNICH 

Now was the opportunity for remedying some of 
the evils of the constitution. It was absurd, for 
instance, that two Councils, the Council of State and 
what we have hitherto called the Privy Council, 
should exist side by side, fulfilling similar and similarly 
undefined functions, neither forming a link between 
the Emperor or the Court offices, which was so much 
needed, especially in the present emergency. The 
rivalries of Metternich and Kolowrat prevented all 
chance of any sweeping reform ; at the most a com- 
promise might be expected. For Kolowrat was 
President of the Council of State (though, since the 
Council worked in sections, his Presidency was only 
nominal) and wanted to convert this body into a 
CouncU of Regency with the view of securing the 
chief power himself. Metternich, who was President 
of the Council of Conferences or Privy Council, was 
equally anxious to enlarge the powers of that body, 
and was supported by Archduke Louis, who exerted 
all his efforts in the interests of peace. 

Metternich relied upon his support and that of the 
heir apparent. Archduke Francis Joseph, to establish 
his predominance permanently and indisputably, 
and the strife became so bitter that in the autumn 
of 1836 Kolowrat temporarily gave up politics in 
disgust and retired to his estates, whence all efforts 
at conciliation failed to draw him. 

At length the tension and confusion became so 
serious that all parties combined to reconcile the 
rivals, and chiefly at the earnest request of Archduke 
Louis, Metternich agreed to Kolowrat's suggestion 
for the creation of a Supreme Council called the 
Conference of State, the most prominent members 



DOMESTIC POLICY 263 

and scientific subjects. Indeed, so early as the 
beginning of 1830, Metternich had conceived the 
idea of estabUshing an Academy at Vienna. 

But Metternich always considered that control of 
the Press was one of the first principles of Government. 
Napoleon had once told him that he would not under- 
take to govern France for three months with Liberty 
of the Press, and Metternich endeavoured to act upon 
these lines in Austria. " A temporary Censorship," 
he once remarked, " is nonsense," and he affirmed 
that " no government can pursue a firm and undeviat- 
ing course when it is exposed daily to the influence 
of such dissolvent conditions as the Freedom of the 
Press." Acting on these principles the Chancellor 
kept a firm hand on the Press ; as he had used it 
during the struggle with Napoleon to counteract 
the Bulletins of the " Moniteur," so after 1815 he 
used it to stifle the discussion and dispersion of Liberal 
views in Austria and in Germany at large. He made 
his secretary, Pilat, editor of the Austrian Beobachter 
(Observer) and often wrote articles in it himself ; 
he controlled the Vienna Jahrbucher, and even sub- 
jected historical productions to the fatherly super- 
vision of the Censors, of which there were no less than 
twelve in Vienna. The manner in which every word 
which savoured, however remotely, of national or 
Liberal enthusiasm or ideals was deleted by the 
Censors was sometimes extremely ludicrous. In the 
case of a work treating of events quite unconnected 
with the Austrian Empire the expression " heroic 
champions," was altered to " brave soldiers," while 
the sentence " a band of youthful heroes who flocked 
around the glorious standard of their country," 



264 METTERNICH 

became, at the direction of the Censor, " a considerable 
number of young men who voluntarily enlisted 
themselves for the public service." ^ 

As has been already remarked, Metternich was 
not at heart opposed to all Liberal measures. But 
his nature was the reverse of independent, and while 
Francis lived he was content to let his views coincide 
with those of his master — the more readily because 
he was still haunted continually by the spectre of 
Revolution. 

To understand Metternich's real views we must 
glance at the period subsequent to Francis' death. 
After that date a distinct change came over Metter- 
nich's attitude towards internal affairs. Not only 
did he take much more interest in them but he showed 
himself to be animated by a real desire to benefit 
Austria. That he failed to accomplish his aim was 
not altogether his fault, but was due partly to the 
opposition which he encountered at every turn, and 
which he dared not face, and partly to the peculiar 
conditions existing in the Austrian Empire. 

That he was by no means indifferent to the domestic 
requirements of Austria is illustrated by his attitude 
towards the Reform of the Constitution and the 
Question of Tariff Reform. 

The rise of the Prussian ZoUverein^ is the most 
striking instance in history of the power of commercial 
ties. Recognising how valuable would be the aid of 
the smaller states of Germany to Prussia in the 
inevitable struggle with Austria, the Government of 
Berlin had conceived the idea of gradually absorbing 

1 W. H. stiles, " Austria 1848-49, London 1852," vol. i. p. 85. 

2 Tarifif-Union. 



DOMESTIC POLICY 266 

by a commercial union all those petty States which 
were accustomed to look, some to Austria, some to 
Prussia, for guidance in their political transactions. 

The growth of the ZoUverein had been gradual, 
quiet and eminently successful, and by 1833 it 
included, apart from insignificant States, Hesse 
Darmstadt, Electoral Hesse, Wurtemberg, Bavaria 
and Saxony. At first Metternich was alarmed, and 
pursued his usual policy in such cases of sending 
round Notes to the smaller States begging them to 
withdraw their allegiance to an Organization which 
seemed to threaten Austrian supremacy in Germany. 
But he soon desisted, either because he felt he was 
doing Prussia an injustice in attributing to her political, 
when she was merely pursuing commercial aims, or 
because, in view of revolutionary movements, he did 
not wish to present to Europe the spectacle of a 
disunited Germany. 

Instead he now became bent on securing Austria's 
admittance to the ZoUverein. He saw the advantage 
of a system curiously similar to that advocated for 
Great Britain by the supporters of Colonial Preference, 
whereby Prussia had become the centre of a group 
of States bound together by the strongest of all ties — 
material interests ; and he feared lest the Austrian 
Empire, isolated commercially, might in the end be 
forced against her will to take up a position of political 
isolation. As a result of Metternich's advocacy of 
Austria's adhesion to the ZoUverein, the scheme was 
much talked of in official circles in 1834, but apart 
from numerous objections, which perhaps of themselves 
would not have deterred Metternich, the Emperor 
Francis steadfastly refused to discuss the proposition. 



266 METTERNICH 

The death of Francis gave Metternich a freer hand, 
and in 1836 he again brought the matter into pro- 
minence and opened negotiations with Prussia on 
the subject of Austria's admittance to the Zollverein. 
But when ways and means came to be discussed it 
was seen that many practical difficulties intervened. 
The conditions of Agriculture and Industry in Austria 
and Prussia were widely dissimilar, and a system of 
monopolies prevailed in the former which ensured 
the opposition of the great manufacturers to any 
scheme of reform. Also Hungary had different Tariff 
arrangements to those in other parts of the Austrian 
Empire. Politically, there was a great aversion in 
Austrian official circles to adopting an idea originally 
suggested by Prussia, and the continual dread of the 
effect which closer commercial relations with the 
outside world might have upon the Austrian Empire. 

In view of these objections, it seemed inexpedient 
to make any change in the Tariff arrangements of 
Austria, But the Chancellor never gave up the 
idea of securing Austria's admission to the Zollverein, 
for he recognized that, apart from the commercial 
advantages, it would secure to Austria that pre- 
ponderance in Germany which Prussia seemed in- 
clined to share. On the conclusion of the Eastern 
Question, therefore, he returned to the attack. He 
usually spent the Autumn months on his estate at 
Johannisberg, and when travelling through Suabia 
and Bavaria to reach it he was able to observe and 
appreciate the benefits accruing to those districts 
from their adhesion to the Zollverein. 

Gradually his ideas developed ; he would establish 
a great Mid-European Zollverein including not only 



DOMESTIC POLICY 267 

Austria - Hungary but the Italian States as well 
under the leadership of Austria. On his return from 
Johannisberg in November 1841 he placed his views 
before the Conference of State. They were favourably 
received by the Archduke Francis and Louis, because 
they were Metternich's, by Kolowrat, because he 
recognized that their adoption would benefit Austrian 
Commerce. Moreover the Chancellor now obtained 
the support of the great manufacturers and of von 
Kiibeck, the capable and energetic President of the 
Chamber of Commerce. He received great encourage- 
ment from the Press and the Public in general. A 
commission was appointed by the Vienna Trades 
Union to report on the Question, and Count von 
Hartig, formerly governor of Lombardy, was com- 
missioned to examine the commercial conditions 
existing in the Austrian Empire in detail and after 
consultation with the various provincial officials 
and public bodies proffer his advice to the Government. 

Acting mainly upon the report of von Hartig, 
who came to the conclusion that under present con- 
ditions Metternich's scheme was impossible, the 
Government decided not to embark upon it. The 
real difficulty was Hungary ; its Tariff arrangements 
were quite different to those of Austria proper, and 
in view of the pronounced national aspirations of 
the Magyars it was dangerous to make drastic or hasty 
changes, lest they shold result in the total secession 
of Hungary ; and the loss of Hungary was an un- 
thinkable contingency to Austrian statesmen. 

Metternich, balked in his grand project, set about 
clearing the ground for future efforts in the same 
direction. With the cordial support of Kiibeck he 



268 METTERNICH 

tried to reform the Austrian Tariff and assimilate 
the Hungarian Tariff to that of the rest of the Empire, 
sounding Prussia at intervals as to the feasibility 
of Austria's inclusion in the ZoUverein. By 1843 
success seemed certain. But all Metternich's plans 
were set at nought by a recurrence of the rivalry 
between him and Kolowrat. The latter, whether 
unwilling that the Chancellor should score a success, 
or like Hartig really convinced that the scheme was 
not feasible, suddenly appeared to lose all his en- 
thusiasm. When the question was discussed by the 
Conference of State Metternich was unfortunately 
absent. His ally, von Kiibeck, bending to a storm 
of protests from the rich manufacturers against any 
modification of the monopoly system, went over to 
the opposition, and with little difficulty Kolowrat 
was able to prevent all but a very few unimportant 
changes in the existing commercial arrangements. 
Von Kiibeck, realizing too late the folly of his conduct, 
energetically demanded that the question of the 
removal of the prohibitive system should be shelved 
untn Metternich's return. His efforts were useless, 
and even the Archduke Louis sacrificed his regard 
for Metternich's judgment to his fear of change. 

Though Metternich, after this reverse, never again 
came near to obtaining the completion of his darling 
project, he never ceased to hanker after it, and it is 
interesting to note, as a justification of his foresight, 
that twelve years afterwards, in 1853, when he was 
no longer in power, a measure was carried for assimilat- 
ing the Austrian to the Prussian Tariff, the credit of 
which was due chiefly to von Briick. 

The Machiavellian impression of Metternich, which 



DOMESTIC POLICY 269 

we receive from the history books, inclines us to 
regard him as the determined opponent of all reform. 
Moreover, it is an unanswerable charge that, although 
no machinery of Government in Europe was so rusty, 
so ponderous and so inert as that of the Austrian 
Empire, Metternich did practically nothing to 
alter it. 

Two facts explain Metternich's apparent indifference 
to the need for internal reform in Austria. He was 
so busy with foreign policy that he simply had no 
leisure for embarking on ambitious domestic schemes, 
and was chiefly bent on maintaining quiet within the 
Austrian Empire in order that he might have freedom 
to put forth all his powers in the arena of world- 
politics. But the chief reason was that the Emperor 
Francis was his own Home Secretary, and it is very 
clear that to the end of his life he suffered Metternich 
only the most remote voice in internal affairs. 

It is probable that Metternich from the first would 
have preferred some necessary changes to be made 
in the constitution of the Austrian Empire. But 
within Austria, he, the supreme arbiter of European 
politics, was comparatively a cipher ; at any rate 
he cannot be blamed because the Austrian constitution 
imderwent no repair. 

A report which Metternich drew up for Francis 
on the Central Administration in Austria proves that 
he perceived defects. " The government as it is at 
present rests in its daily working too entirely on the 
principle of centralization. The machine of govern- 
ment goes on because its springs are well put together 
and well guided, and because there is at the head of 
the administration a Monarch capable of ruling." 



270 METTERNICH 

Yet he proposed no drastic remedy, and even 
stated that " no time is less suited than the present 
to bring forward in any State reforms in a wide sense 
of the word." Owing to the composition and variety 
of the Austrian Empire two courses appeared to him 
possible. The various nationalities might be fused 
into one homogeneous race. But this course he 
lightly dismisses with the remark that Joseph II. had 
tried the experiment and failed miserably. He did 
not mention that that unfortunate and well-meaning 
Emperor had gone about it in such a rash, tactless 
and overbearing manner as to ensure the ill-success 
of his schemes. 

The other alternative was judiciously to balance 
the various nationalities under one head, and this 
practically amounted to maintaining the old r6gime. 
Indeed Metternich expressly stated that he considered 
the old system of circles and provinces was good 
enough. He professes, indeed, in his Memoirs to 
have elaborated a scheme for the central representa- 
tion of the Nation, and complains that it was Francis 
who continually shelved it until two months before 
his death, when it was too late. Whether or not we 
are to believe this, the fact remains that the sole 
result of Metternich's report was to draw still tighter 
the strings of centralization. A single high office 
was created under the name of the United Chancery, 
to superintend the affairs of the Bohemian, Galician 
and Austrian provinces, to which now for the first 
time were added those of Italy and lUyria. 

Thus quieta non movere is the ke5niote of Metternich's 
domestic policy, and whereas in the career of most 
statesmen much space is allotted to internal problems, 



DOMESTIC POLICY 271 

with Metternich this sphere of politics was the least 
important and also the least interesting. The reason 
is not hard to find. In Austria all classes were firmly 
in the grip of the government ; there was at present 
no danger of the successful promulgation of revolu- 
tionary doctrines. Abroad, on the other hand, 
these revolutionary doctrines were rife. Their example 
for Austria was bad. They must be extinguished. 
And apart from the combat to be waged against 
revolution in Germany and abroad, there was at 
issue the vast question of the future of Germany. 
Metternich could afford to leave Austria alone, 
and having other interests he did practically leave 
her alone, at any rate up tiU the date of Francis' 
death. 

Metternich was by no means averse to reform, so 
long as it came from the Government and not from 
the demands of the masses. But he looked with alarm 
at the blatant Liberalism of Frederick William IV., 
the new King of Prussia, who, full of good intentions, 
and loving popularity, was bent on giving Prussia 
a constitution. Accordingly Metternich supported 
Russia in trying to prevent the Prussian Government 
throwing themselves into the arms of the Liberals, 
because he feared the influence of such a policy on the 
hitherto contented dominions of Austria. He entirely 
underrated the strength of the Liberal Movement in 
Austria, and in spite of the growing demand for 
reform, up tiU 1847 the only concessions to it were 
paltry measures of which the shortening of the period 
of military service is a typical illustration. 

StiU Metternich had always recognized that if the 
King of Prussia really gave vent to his Liberal aspira- 



272 METTERNICH 

tions, Austria, his next door neighbour, must either 
follow his example or else commence drastic measures 
against revolutionary tendencies. There could be no 
question of maintaining things as they were. When 
therefore in 1847 Prussia was granted a Constitution, 
Mettemich preferring, as befitted his cautious nature, 
concessions to force, again took up the cause of the 
reform of the Constitution. 

In March 1847 he opened negotiations with Prussia 
to discuss the possibility of greater freedom of the 
Press in Germany. Moreover, in the Conference of 
State, he even gave it as his opinion that Austria 
ought to have a constitution, and with his customary 
elaboration laid before his colleagues two separate 
schemes for broadening the constitutional power of 
the Provincial Estates ; at the same time it was 
suggested that the Provinces should be asked to send 
deputies to Vienna to confer with the Finance Depart- 
ment as to the best means of making the income of 
the State balance the expenditure. This would have 
been a great step towards constitutional government. 
But, as usual, Metternich's good intentions were 
balked by opposition at Court. There was a great 
deal of talk and mutual discussion of the project ; 
some enthusiasm, much hesitation. Finally the matter 
was dropped. In a sense Metternich was to be pitied ; 
he recognized the need for reform, and advocated it ; 
a bigoted Court clique opposed it, and Metternich 
incurred all the obloquy of the Reformers. Yet really 
he had himself to thank. He was too much swayed 
by Archduke Louis' opinion ; he lacked energy to 
press his own views on others ; wedded to the old 
regime he caught at the least excuse for its retention, 



DOMESTIC POLICY 273 

welcomed the least obstacle to its reform. Perhaps, 
too, old age had blunted his determination. 

So the year 1847 passed and the cause of reform 
in Austria had not advanced. Again and again 
Metternich suggested modifications and improvements, 
but withdrew them at the least sign of opposition. 
There was endless discussion, no fruition. On the 
Chancellor's advice a commission was appointed to 
examine the relations existing between the Central 
Government and the Provincial Estates, but nothing 
had been done before the storm of 1848. So it was 
with everything else. The improvement of prisons 
and schools, the relaxation of the Censorship, the 
removal of commercial anomalies were all discussed 
and all postponed. If the Chancellor had been a 
strong, convinced and earnest reformer he would 
have been chagrined and distressed, especially when 
he saw from the unrest in Italy and the granting of 
constitutions in many States of Germany that else- 
where Liberalism was triumphing. But his great 
aim was to maintain existing institutions ; he was 
quite ready to modify them to suit the spirit of the 
times, but he was not going to risk his popularity 
or position by doing so, and he was convinced that 
the Austrian system would weather the coming storm 
as it had weathered the hurricane of 1830. 

His policy, therefore, was to avoid aU extremes, 
and when absolutely necessary to grant concessions. 
He therefore discouraged reactionary measures in 
Hesse and dissuaded Frederick William IV. from 
abolishing the Constitution which he had bestowed 
upon Prussia. Moreover at the end of 1847 he again 
brought before the CouncU the Question of Reform. 
18 



274 METTERNICH 

The Court was not nearly so obstinate in view of the 
threatening attitude of the Estates of Hungary, 
Bohemia and Lower Austria. Only the Archduke 
Louis could not forget that he had promised Francis 
on his death-bed never to change anything in Austria 
at any price, and, as again and again before, Metternich 
had not the heart to beard his old ally. 

Still the need of some concession was manifest, so 
the Chancellor turned his attention to the Press, 
gingerly, and with his usual hesitation. The un- 
fortunate result was that the new Press regulations 
which were published in February 1848, and proved 
to contain concessions only in name, caused the 
opposite effect to what was intended, and produced 
from an angry Opposition complaints that the restric- 
tions on the Press were severer than ever. The 
authors and publishers of Vienna even presented 
a petition to the Emperor demanding the with- 
drawal of the new Regulations. 

The occurrence was the more regrettable in that 
it coincided with the opening of the new Academy at 
Vienna on February 2nd, and detracted from the 
magnificence of the ceremony, since many of the 
most prominent scientists and literary men, such as 
Ranke and Gervinus, were either uninvited or showed 
their disapproval of the Government's policy by 
remaining away. 

In spite of his failure to please either the Reformers 
or the Reactionary party, Metternich stiU endeavoured 
to promote the cause of reform in the shape of a 
constitution in Austria and in the Austrian dominions 
in Italy. But the opposition was as strenuous as 
ever and even the Chancellor himself came to the 



DOMESTIC POLICY 275 

conclusion that Italy was unfit for constitutional 
government and contented himself with a few small 
concessions in Lombardy. In regard to the rest of 
the Austrian Empire, Metternich succeeded in induc- 
ing his colleagues to recognize the soundness of his 
principles, and was able to go forward with schemes 
for reform in Bohemia and German Austria. He 
even induced the Emperor and Archduke Louis to 
allow deputies from the Provinces to come to Vienna 
and confer with the Central Government regarding 
the Finances. But as usual doubts arose at the 
critical moment ; Archduke Louis and the Court 
Party of Reaction hesitated to abandon their prin- 
ciples ; Kolowrat, always jealous of Metternich, threw 
in his lot with them, and all was still pending when 
the catastrophe of 1848 overtook the Hapsburg 
dynasty. 

The February Revolution in France had a curious 
but immediate effect on Metternich. At once he 
changed from a convinced though feeble champion 
of reform to a deadly enemy of all concessions. All 
his old dread of the name " Revolution " came back 
to him in a flash. He put on his red spectacles and 
saw in Liberalism Revolution disguised. Fear bereft 
him of judgment ; he suddenly became as reactionary 
as Archduke Louis, with whom he agreed to grant no 
further concessions, lest they should appear to be the 
outcome of fear, and to withdraw such reforms as 
had already been put into force. 

Now was manifested the magnitude of the opposi- 
tion to Metternich at Court. The hitherto ultra- 
conservative party veered round with suspicious 
facility to the cause of Reform, and clamoured for 



276 METTERNICH 

concessions to Liberalism more far-reaching than any 
which the Chancellor himself had suggested. Von 
Kiibeck and Kolowrat, who had always been ardent 
reformers, took the lead. United to them was a 
strong Church party, which included the greater 
part of the Court, and which had always opposed 
Mettemich's policy of excluding ultramontane influence 
from Austria. 

It is worth while briefly to sketch the attitude 
adopted by Mettemich towards the Church. Once 
and for all let it be remarked that Mettemich was a 
good Catholic. Yet, in spite of the influence brought 
to bear upon him at various periods of his life by his 
tutor PUat, by Gentz, and by his successive wives, 
he was no devotee. He always opposed the emancipa- 
tion of the Church from the State and the influence 
of the Church in Politics. Indeed, this was one of the 
few instances when his views ran counter to those 
of the Emperor Francis, who, supported by a majority 
at Court including a large number of influential ladies, 
was strongly in favour of giving the Church greater 
powers. Mettemich succeeded in maintaining the 
state of affairs which had existed under Joseph II., 
and even when, after Francis' death, the Church 
again made great efforts to get greater freedom he 
succeeded in preventing all but a few trifling innova- 
tions. Very characteristically he attempted to grant 
just that minimum of the ecclesiastical demands which 
would save him from unpopularity with the Ultra- 
montane party at Court, with the result that his 
half-measures merely created misunderstandings and 
entirely failed in their object. 

For, hardly had the first break been effected in 



DOMESTIC POLICY 277 

Joseph's ecclesiastical settlement when the Jesuits 
made a great effort to recover their former influence 
in Austria. Metternich once remarked that he 
admired the Jesuits but hated Jesuitism ; and Francis 
and he had agreed in regarding them as an alien 
element and therefore to be debarred from influence. 
But under the weak rule of Ferdinand the Court 
seemed rather inclined to favour them, and Metternich, 
never a hankerer after unpopularity, felt it necessary 
grudgingly to drift with the stream and to grant 
concessions. 

A moving spirit in the opposition to Metternich 
amongst the Imperial Family was the Archduchess 
Sophie, who, convinced that the Hapsburgs would 
suffer the same fate as the Orleans dynasty in France 
if drastic changes were not enforced, put patriotism 
before family ties, and wished the Emperor Ferdinand 
to abdicate in favour of the Archduke Francis Joseph. 
Then, provided Archduke Louis and Metternich could 
be induced to resign, a new constitutional monarchy 
might be set up in an Austria purged and cut loose 
from all unpopular associations. 

In the month of March there were many Family 
Meetings at the Hofburg to discuss the situation. A 
majority, including the Archduke John, who showed 
himself bitterly hostile to Metternich, seemed to wish 
for the resignation of the Chancellor, who, supported 
by Archduke Louis, maintained that the danger was 
not nearly so pressing as it was represented. 

Into this atmosphere, rank with intrigue, doubt, 
mistrust and jealousy, burst the bomb of the March 
Revolution. 



CHAPTER XIV 

HUNGARIAN POLICY AND FALL OF METTERNICH 

Metternich's policy towards the Eastern portions of the Austrian 
Empire — The elements of opposition to Austrian rule in Hungary — 
Feudal character of the Hungarian Constitution — Metternich's 
early collisions with the Hungarian Diet — Count Stephen Szechenyi 
forms a constitutional opposition — Metternich at first attempts to 
bully the Diet — But the seriousness of the opposition causes the 
Austrian Government to take up a more conciUatory attitude — The 
arrest of Kossuth provides a fresh cause of dissension — Metternich 
chmbs down and makes considerable concessions — Inflamed by the 
speeches of Kossuth, the opposition spreads to the non-Magyar 
inhabitants of the Austrian Empire — The rising in Galicia — Contrast 
between Metternich's policy towards Liberalism in Hungary with 
that adopted by him in other parts of Europe — Events inevitably 
tend towards a general upheaval in Austria — Effect of the February 
Revolution in France upon Austria — The elements of opposition to 
Metternich combine — Petitions are presented to the Emperor de- 
manding Metternich's resignation — Divided counsels at Court — 
The meeting of the Estates of Lower Austria in Vienna forms a 
nucleus for the Revolution — The mob surround the Hofbiu-g, and 
are joined by the students and middle classes — A stream of deputa- 
tions demand the Chancellor's resignation — After considerable 
hesitation and unedifying wrangles amongst the Imperial Family, 
Metternich tenders his resignation — The announcement is received 
with every demonstration of joy by the populace of Vienna 

A GLIMPSE at the history of Hungary and the 
non-German territories of the Austrian Empire 
in general is necessary to explain the consistency 
with which Metternich pursued his policy of stability 
at home and abroad. He never for one moment 
believed that Liberalism would triumph in Austria 

*7S 



HUNGARIAN POLICY 279 

proper. But he did feel anxiety for the more remote 
parts of the Empire, such as Hungary, Bohemia and 
Transsylvania, and for their sake consistently en- 
deavoured to stifle all bad examples of revolutionary 
spirit abroad. 

Not that Metternich's treatment of the non-German 
portions of the Empire was harsh ; on the contrary, 
his policy towards Hungary especially is an excellent 
example of the fact that he would never willingly 
face opposition unless he felt himself irresistibly 
strong. In Italy he was supreme ; here there were 
no half -measures. But Hungary, in a sense, had 
always been the Ireland of Austrian statesmen. True, 
the Hungarians had displayed great loyalty in the 
past. They had borne the brunt of the Turkish 
invasions of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries ; 
they had nobly supported the Empress Maria Theresa 
in her struggle against Frederick the Great. But 
there always remained the old hostility of the con- 
quered race towards the German conqueror, and 
Slav and Magyar alike longed for independence and 
national identity. To this ancient opposition was 
added, after the Revolution, all the newborn senti- 
ments of Liberalism. As Metternich wrote in 1825 • 
" In Hungary the Government has to struggle with 
two oppositions ; one, the natural result of circum- 
stances, is the old Hungarian opposition ; the other 
represents the spirit of the age." The former, in his 
opinion, was really loyal to the monarchy, and would 
ultimately support the Government ; the latter was 
hopelessly turbulent and anti-monarchical. 

Partly from fear, partly from regard for traditional 
Hungarian loyalty, the Hapsburgs treated their 



280 METTERNICH 

Eastern subjects with great consideration. As else- 
where their rule was mild, benevolent and popular. 
It was not discontent at the way in which they were 
governed that goaded the races of the Austrian 
Empire to Revolution in 1848, but the fact that they 
had no voice in the government. The history of 
Mettemich's dealings with Hungary is, indeed, a 
history of continuous concessions to the demands of 
the Opposition, and nowhere is it more apparent 
that he was far from being the stern and inflexible 
statesman as which he is sometimes pictured. 

The Constitution of Hungary was old-fashioned 
and anomalous. "Feudal" and " mediseval" are the 
epithets most commonly applied. For successive 
rulers of Austria had left intact the old County 
Assemblies and Local Government and had buUt 
upon them a rigid centralized government entirely 
directed from Vienna. The laws were administered 
by the County Assemblies, who had power to raise 
taxes and levy troops ; but they had no power to 
alter anything without the consent of the Diet, 
formed of representatives from all the Counties. The 
maintenance of the Constitution was part of the 
contract by virtue of which the Hapsburgs ruled 
Hungary, but so far as Hungary was concerned 
this meant that the nobles and gentry, though power- 
less against the Government, were locally supreme, 
whUe the masses had no voice at all in administration. 
Undoubtedly the Emperor Francis and Metternich 
intended that the Hungarian Constitution and the 
condition of the Hungarian people should remain 
in that prosperous but somnolent condition which had 
sufficed for the last century. But circumstances 



HUNGARIAN POLICY 281 

were against them and almost imperceptibly events 
between 1823 and 1848 tended towards the final 
catastrophe. 

Though Slav and Magyar had slumbered peacefully 
through the turmoil of the French Revolution, they 
had shown that they could be dangerous, when they 
strenuously resisted the reforms of Joseph XL, and 
not unmindful of this, Francis and Metternich wished 
to pursue in Hungary that policy of stifling all national 
aspirations which had been so eminently successful 
in Italy. In conformity with this principle it became 
the custom never to summon the Diet. Francis 
had indeed summoned it just before the final struggle 
with Napoleon in 1814 in order to impress the popular 
imagination with the unanimity of the oppositon to 
France but for twelve years afterwards, chiefly 
acting upon Metternich's advice, the Emperor failed 
to meet his Hungarian Estates and ruled entirely 
by Imperial Rescripts. 

The first difficulty arose in 1823. Metternich, 
flushed with his triumphs in Italy and wishing to 
pursue the same methods in Hungary, sought to 
raise recruits and levy taxes for military purposes 
by Imperial Rescript, although according to the 
Constitution, the consent of the Diet was necessary. 
So menacing was the opposition that after a vain 
effort at intimidation, the Chancellor was forced 
to appease the popular clamour by some timely 
concessions which included a promise to summon 
the Diet. 

In 1825, accordingly, the Hungarian Estates as- 
sembled at Pressburg. Their first business was to 
assist at the solemn crowning of the Emperor Francis's 



282 METTERNICH 

third wife as Queen of Hungary, and so enthusiastic 
was her reception that Metternich was encouraged 
in his behef that there would be no opposition to 
his demands. 

He was bitterly disappointed. Hardly had he 
stated his requirements when it became evident that 
he himself and his methods of government were the 
objects of considerable hostility. 

A constitutional opposition was formed by Count 
Stephen Szechenyi, a relation of the Chancellor's 
wife. Metternich had long been endeavouring to 
attract the young nobility of Hungary to Vienna 
with the object of distracting them from domestic 
politics. Szechenyi was one of the few who had 
remained behind and was bent on making himself a 
thorn in the side of the Austrian Government. " I 
have known this young man," wrote Metternich in 
December 1825, " from the beginning of his career 
and I have done a great deal for him. He has quick 
parts, but, like most of our young people, no solid 
knowledge — a want which he makes up for by a kind 
of cultivated instinct. His ambition is boundless : 
he is not frivolous, but a sort of political spitfire, 
although he can be deep enough sometimes." 

Szechenyi was a large landowner with ample means ; 
he had studied English institutions and had warmly 
encouraged Western institutions in Hungary. Conse- 
quently the aspirations of the opponents of Metter- 
nich's policy in the Hungarian Diet tended towards 
two objects, the assertion of Magyar nationality and 
the remodelling of the Constitution on Western lines. 

Metternich had a conversation with Szechenyi in 
which he thought he had convinced his youthful 



HUNGARIAN POLICY 283 

opponent of the error of his ways. But if Szechenyi 
was convinced, it was not for long, and in a letter 
to Mettemich shortly afterwards he showed his 
obvious distrust of the Austrian Government. StUl, 
Mettemich had learnt from his interview that the 
Opposition were divided amongst themselves. Indeed 
the very objects which they were striving for ensured 
a lack of unanimity. For the very fact of asserting 
the claims of Magyar nationality entailed the bitter 
hostility of the other, and not less deserving, nation- 
alities of which the Austrian dominions were com- 
posed. Liberalism in a word was bound up with 
the Magyarization of Hungary. Moreover the attempt 
to remodel the constitution on Western lines involved 
the inevitable alienation of the majority of privileged 
and locally powerful nobles, who had no wish to see 
their authority curtailed. All Mettemich had to do, 
then, was to separate, if possible, what he called the 
old opposition from the new ; in other words, to 
sow discord between the traditional hostility of the 
Hungarians to a foreign sway and the new-born 
Liberal antipathy to the centralized bureaucratic 
sj^'stem of government from Vienna. 

Amongst other topics of discussion the Diet of 
1825 marks the advent into practical politics of that 
perpetual thorn in the side of Austrian statesmen — 
the Language Question, for there was a clamorous 
demand on the part of the Opposition that Magyar 
should be substituted for Latin as the official language 
of debate. Mettemich, for the time, evaded this 
demand, and at first, exasperated by the opposition 
which he had encountered, wished to ride the high 
horse, and, relying on the disunion of his opponents, 



284 METTERNICH 

peremptorily dismiss the Diet. In January 1826 
he wrote : " The affairs of the Diet of Hungary will 
soon be terminated. We have gained every point, 
and those who formerly fought against the Court are 
now fighting amongst themselves. This is just an 
example of the fact that when kings know when to 
say ' no ' they gain their cause." 

Happily it was recognized, even in Vienna, that 
the Hungarian Diet in its present mood might prove 
less amenable to drastic methods than had the English 
Parliament under the Stuarts, and the advent of a 
new Chancellor of Hungary, Rewitzki, in succession 
to Count Kohary, who had died, coincided with a 
change of policy. Rewitzki boldly informed Francis 
that he was going the wrong way to work and that 
by acting unconstitutionally he was merely giving 
the Opposition a justification for complaint. Let 
Francis gain the confidence of the people of Hungary 
by proving himself the " First Hungarian." 

Whatever Mettemich's secret sentiments may have 
been, he followed that advice. The Diet voluntarily 
dispersed in 1827, having obtained a confirmation of 
the traditional Constitution of Hungary and a promise 
that in future it should be summoned every three 
years in accordance with that Constitution. 

Metternich was full of apprehension when the Diet 
of 1830 assembled, in view of the contagious example 
displayed so near home by the Polish revolution, not 
to speak of the recent upheaval in France. The 
Emperor Francis, who felt that he had not long to 
live, had expressed a wish that his heir, the Archduke 
Ferdinand, should be crowned King of Hungary 
before his death, and Metternich cleverly took advan- 



HUNGARIAN POLICY 285 

tage of this coronation ceremony, as he had done in a 
similar case in 1825, to encourage loyal demonstrations 
in favour of the Hapsburg monarchy. 

He was not successful in allaying opposition in 
the Diet. Much sympathy was expressed for the 
revolted Poles, and in reply to the Government's 
demands for recruits a request amongst others was 
made that Hungarian officers shall invariably com- 
mand Hungarian troops. In short it became apparent 
that the forces of opposition had immensely developed 
since the dissolution of the last Diet. In 1825 
Metternich had written thus to Gentz : " Hungary 
is a real Bceotia in which wiseacres and students raise 
themselves up on states of the realm, and scholastic 
councillors represent the Government. Danger there 
is none, for ideas do not rise to that." Yet now he 
was so alarmed at the danger that he summarily dis- 
mised the Diet without granting its demands. 

But this was Metternich's last attempt to impose 
upon Hungary that system of force majeure which 
proved so successful in Italy. The Diet was recalled 
in 1832, and from this date the increasing demands 
and strength of the Opposition were met by a series 
of unheard of concessions from the Government, 
which grudgingly and tardily granted, merely made 
manifest the weakness of the Government, and did 
nothing to stem off the evil results of mutual mistrust 
and misunderstanding. There existed, indeed, in 
Austria a considerable party who accused Metternich, 
of all people, of betraying conservative interests and 
undoing the work of a century of Hapsburg rule. 
They predicted the secession of Hungary from the 
Austrian Empire, and asserted that the only way to 



286 METTERNICH 

deal with Hungary was the way that Russia dealt 
with the Poles. 

To a large extent the struggle in Hungary was 
between the Austrian Government, who received 
the support of the peasants and endeavoured to 
maintain it by numerous concessions, and the 
nobles and privileged classes, who under the cloak 
of Liberalism sought to further their selfish 
ambition. 

The accession of Ferdinand to the Imperial throne 
in 1832 was marked by some reform in the direction 
of ameliorating the condition of the peasants, which 
did nothing to appease the growing appetite of the 
Liberal Opposition. The Diet of 1836, like that of 
1832, saw the granting of numerous concessions, and 
the advent of Kossuth gave even greater impetus to 
the wave of constitutional aspirations. Kossuth 
began publishing the Debates of the Diet — an unheard- 
of innovation. Metternich foolishly had him and 
other editors arrested. Consequently, when at the 
Diet of 1839 "the Chancellor demanded thirty-eight 
thousand recruits and four million florins, the Diet 
refused even to discuss the proposal until the victims 
of absolutism were released. Metternich had to 
yield, and although the men and money which he 
required were at once voted, it was at the cost of 
fresh concessions. It was settled that for the future 
aU debates of the Diet should be published in the 
Hungarian papers and that the Magyar language alone 
should be used in official documents. Metternich 
even had to remit the peasants' due imposed by the 
Emperor in 1836. Nor did it end here. Between 
1843 and 1844 the possession of land and eligibility 



HUNGARIAN POLICY 287 

to office was extended to those not of noble blood. 
The Government even talked of instituting reforms 
on its own initiative, and the Emperor opened a 
meeting of the Diet in the Magyar tongue. 

Kossuth had asserted that he only wrote against 
the Government in order to obtain a wide circle of 
readers, and Metternich, with a view to conciliating 
him, made him in 1841 editor of the widely circulated 
" Pesti Hislap." The result was not encouraging, 
for Kossuth merely began to attack the Government 
and especially the Tariff System more violently than 
ever, and his demands increased with every concession. 
Now he sought nothing less than freedom of the 
Press and a responsible ministry, the union of 
Hungary and Transsylvania, equality in taxation 
and equality before the Law ; not to speak of triennial 
elections and an alteration in the Law enforcing 
compulsory labour of peasants. 

On the conclusion of the stormy Diet of 1844, a 
large party in Austria considered that the time had 
arrived for a bold coup d'etat by the Government 
and the establishment of absolute government in 
Hungary. But Metternich refused to acquiesce and 
preferred to exhaust every method of conciliation. 
Indeed his policy of concessions in Hungary during 
this period entirely belies the reactionary reputation 
which historians have awarded him. Besides granting 
concession after concession, the Chancellor opened 
up communications for the benefit of Hungarian trade, 
and did aU in his power to further the material pros- 
perity of Hungary. Indeed shortly before the meeting 
of the Diet of 1847 the Government opened negotia- 
tions with the Magyar Young Conservative Party and 



288 METTERNICH 

prepared some very far-reaching reforms for sub- 
mission to the Diet. Metternich even proposed 
the abolition of the Tariff between Hungary and 
Austria — a measure which would have facilitated 
his darling project of procuring Austria's adhesion 
to the Zollverein. But before these designs bore 
fruit, the Chancellor had fallen. 

The opposition to the Government had not been 
confined to Hungary, and Metternich's embarrass- 
ment was increased by the entrance of the Non- 
Magyar peoples into the struggle. This was the 
inevitable result of the Magyar attempt to impose 
their language and predominance on all the Eastern 
dominions of the Austrian Empire. As the Magyars 
strove against German domination, so the Serbs, 
Croats, Slavs and Dalmatians strove against the 
Magyars. The Czech mania in Bohemia was as rife 
as the Magyar mania in Hungary. Originating in 
an opposition carried on chiefly by pamphlets and 
newspapers with the object of reviving the Czech 
language and literature, it ultimately resulted in the 
assertion of their rights by the Estates and the grant- 
ing of considerable concessions by the Government. 
The South Slavs commenced a movement known as 
lUyrism. In the Tyrol and Lower Austria Metternich 
was sure of his position and was inclined to repress 
constitutional aspirations with a heavy hand. The 
Estates of Lower Austria, which met in Vienna, had 
begun to agitate as early as 1842. Even then Metter- 
nich had granted a demand for more frequent sittings, 
and gradually, finding that intimidation was useless, 
he relapsed into that policy of concessions, which was 
demonstrating the innate weakness of the Government 



HUNGARIAN POLICY 289 

elsewhere, and merely served to whet the appetite 
of the opposition. 

The one thing needed to secure the success of the 
revolutionary schemes was the adhesion of the 
peasants, who hitherto had supported the Austrian 
Government. It was indeed the support of the 
peasants that enabled the Government to suppress 
a rising in Galicia in 1848 following upon a Polish 
conspiracy. The Austrians were caught napping ; 
they suffered some severe reverses, but the hatred 
of the downtrodden peasants for their overlords led 
them to turn the scale in favour of Austria. Elated 
with victory, they proceeded to an indiscriminate 
massacre of nobles and rebels alike. The Austrian 
Government, helpless at the moment, either did not 
interfere or half encouraged this nineteenth century 
Jacquerie, and thereby placed themselves in difficulties. 
The peasants demanded as the price of their loyalty 
the abolition of feudal dues. The Emperor partially 
acceded to the demand. Immediately arose a cry 
of horror throughout his dominions at this official 
condonement of the recent atrocities. The Govern- 
ment yielded to the clamour. The clock was again 
put back. The peasants, as badly off as before, saw 
that their only chance of redress lay in constitutional 
opposition to Austria, and henceforward were found 
on the side of the revolutionists. The doom of Metter- 
nich's " stability " system was sealed. 

It is impossible to refrain from contrasting Metter- 
nich's policy in the Austrian Empire with his policy 
towards Liberalism in other parts of Europe. He 
knew that he was treading on dangerous ground and 
that the friendship of Hungary was a cornerstone of 

19 



290 METTERNICH 

the House of Hapsburg. All his efforts were directed 
towards temporizing at all cost, and he was prepared 
to make some concessions. But scanty concessions 
merely aroused a desire for more. All the elements of 
opposition were aroused against him. A few tactless 
measures filled the cup to overflowing. Metternich 
replaced the popular Count Mailath as Chancellor of 
Hungary by Count Apponyi and ordered him to 
supersede the Court of Assemblies. This act, falling 
upon a soil already prepared, did much to bring on 
the final outburst, for Northern and Southern Austria, 
nay even the middle portions of the Empire, where 
Metternich felt safest, were ripe for revolution. Never- 
theless, apart from agrarian troubles, which afforded 
a material as well as a theoretical cause for discontent, 
it was the French Revolution which roused even the 
German portion of the Austrian Empire into open 
revolt against the old system. The inhabitants of 
Austria proper had indeed changed vastly in their 
opinions during the last few years. People were 
beginning to see the weakness of the Austrian system 
of government. Perhaps it was partly due to the 
colourless character of the Emperor Ferdinand. 
Francis had been genuinely loved by his people. 
Though no great ruler, he had, Uke George III. in 
England, shared with his people the vicissitudes of 
the struggle against Napoleon, and gained thereby 
a similar popularity, which served to obscure the 
defects of the Government over which he presided. 

Under Ferdinand, weak, kindly and incompetent, 
the evils of that Government became apparent. Pro- 
tection in every walk of life amounting practically to 
isolation in trade, in literature, in culture, and progress 



HUNGARIAN POLICY 291 

of every description, had been borne patiently and 
almost unconsciously too long. Financial troubles 
caused the first symptoms of unrest in German Austria. 
The fact that no accounts were published by the 
Government intensified a panic which occurred early 
in 1848, and which involved the usual rush on the 
banks. In any case a political outbreak would 
probably have followed, for the Viennese, kept 
ignorant too long of constitutional means of obtaining 
reform, were more likely than a more revolutionary 
community to rush to violent extremes. Although, 
as has been observed, Metternich had long been aware 
of the evils of what is unjustly termed his system, and 
had perhaps faint-heartedly but at least persistently 
endeavoured to remedy some of its defects, it was natural 
that he, who had for so long been identified with it, 
should be the first to suffer from the concentrated and 
unreasoning indignation of the awakened masses. 

The first news of the February Revolution in France 
reached Metternich on the evening of February 28th. 
He received it calmly, in the belief that it merely 
signified the abdication of Louis Philippe in favour of the 
Duke of Orleans. When on the following day a courier 
announced that France was a Republic, the effect was 
far different. The Chancellor turned deadly pale and 
for some minutes sat silent and motionless in his chair. 

Metternich, it is true, had always disliked Louis 
Philippe, and had tolerated him merely as a political 
necessity. But the word " Republic " when connected 
with France had for him a horrid significance ; it 
was the continual bugbear of his foreign policy. And 
now the worst had occurred ! For a few days he 
waited expectantly for a counter-revolution. He 



292 METTERNICH 

shook his head when he read the names of the members 
of the provisional French Government and laughed at 
Lamartine's Manifesto to Europe. Yet he was deter- 
mined not to intervene unless it was absolutely 
necessary, unless French armies crossed the boundaries 
of France. He restrained the war fever which for a 
time excited the Austrian Court, and which was echoed 
by the desire of Prussia and Russia for a coalition 
against France, for he knew well that what he had 
to fear was the effect of the French Revolution on 
Austrian internal politics. 

Nor were his forebodings belied. When the news 
of the Revolution in France arrived, the Hungarian 
Diet at Pressburg were discussing schemes of reform. 
The effect was immediate. On March 4th Kossuth, 
who regarded Metternich in much the same light as 
Metternich had formerly regarded Napoleon, delivered 
his famous speech in favour of Liberty, asserting that 
the freedom of the part could only be obtained by 
the freedom of the whole, and advocating that an 
address urging reform should be presented to the 
Emperor. This speech had a far-reaching effect. In 
Bohemia the young Czechs met and resolved to send 
a petition to the Emperor demanding instant reform, 
and in Vienna itself, where already placards had 
appeared announcing the downfall of the Chancellor, 
negotiations were opened by the Liberal leaders with 
the Estates of Lower Austria who were about to meet 
in the capital. 

Henceforward the interest of the drama centres^^in 
Vienna ; though already the flame of revolution was 
spreading contagiously through every portion of the 
Austrian dominions. The meeting of the Lower 



HUNGARIAN POLICY 298 

Austrian Estates was fixed for March 13th, and the 
members were in constant communication not only 
with the leaders of Liberalism in Vienna but also with 
that influential and numerous Court party, which had 
long been working for the displacement of the 
Chancellor. As early as March 6th . delegates of the 
Trades Union, supported by the Archduke Roland and 
the Archduchess Sophie, had presented an address to 
the Emperor expressing mistrust in the Government. 
The fact that Metternich's name was not mentioned 
did not conceal its true significance. The Archduke 
Francis, to whom the address was handed, received it 
so graciously that the impression gained ground that 
the Court was against Metternich. The Chancellor 
might have noticed that lacqueys seemed less ob- 
sequious, that dependents became less obtrusive, that 
the circle of his friends imperceptibly lessened, and 
read with alarm these portents of imminent disaster. 
Curiously enough he alone seemed unconscious that 
anything was amiss, and from his splendid residence 
in the Ballplatz ^ viewed with indifference the evidence 
of coming trouble. 

On March 12th another demonstration was organized 
by the Trades Union, supported by the extreme Court 
Party, the Lower Austrian Estates, and the University. 
Making the University their base, crowds of agitators 
filled the streets, and the students prepared a petition 
demanding amongst other concessions from the 
Government the resignation of Metternich. 

Two professors made their way to the Hofburg and 
handed the address to Archduke Louis, who received 

1 The Chancellor's official residence (Ballhaus Platz 19), which is 
now the Ministry for foreign Affairs. 



294 METTERNICH 

it most ungraciously and dismissed the deputation 
without comment. The Archduke summoned a 
Council at noon and announced that the Emperor 
would not dismiss an old and faithful servant on the 
strength of a petition. Metternich declared his willing- 
ness to resign if the Emperor wished it ; he was too 
old to be ambitious, had never sought popularity, and 
would have resigned before if he had not been afraid 
of incurring a charge of ingratitude. It was, how- 
ever, quite evident that the Chancellor did not wish 
to resign unless compelled. Accordingly some of 
the Court Party admitted some students into the 
Emperor's apartments that evening with the idea 
of convincing him of the reality of the popular aversion 
to Metternich. But Ferdinand was much too good- 
natured to sacrifice Metternich behind his back, and 
the scheme was balked. 

On his return home that evening Metternich, who 
was observed to be in deep thought, suddenly decided 
to grant aU the demands of the petition presented in 
the morning, with the exception of his own resigna- 
tion. He accordingly arranged for the necessary draft 
to be made up with a view to its presentation to the 
Estates of Lower Austria when they met on the follow- 
ing day. 

Early on the morning of March 13th the State Con- 
ference assembled in the Hofburg awaiting events. In 
a neighbouring room M^ere gathered the whole of the 
Imperial Family. News had arrived that the streets 
were already almost fuU of people, and that the students, 
using the Estates of Lower Austria as their instrument, 
were not going to be denied a second time. In view 
of the meeting of the Estates the Archduke Louis and 




K-K. GEHEIME HANS HOF UND STAATSKANSLEI 

(METTERNICH'S OFFICIAL RESIDENCE) IN THE 

BALLHAUS PLATZ 



HUNGARIAN POLICY 295 

Mettemich were prepared for some disturbance, and 
were determined to overawe any opposition. Accord- 
ingly strong patrols of troops were held in readiness 
at various points in the city, and detachments were 
now ordered to disperse the gathering crowds. 
Neither Louis nor Metternich imagined for a moment 
that there would be bloodshed. 

The crowd before the Landhaus where the Estates 
were in session, excited by the fiery language of the 
students, spread over the Freyung,i the Ballplatz, and 
the Hofe ^ with shouts of " per eat Metternich " and 
clamorous demands for a constitution, freedom of the 
Press, and a National Guard. The reading of Kossuth's 
famous speech fanned the flame, and the troops, find- 
ing themselves compelled, in self-defence, to fire a few 
volleys, which resulted in several casualties, goaded 
the mob to fury. 

Meantime in the Palace a most unedifying alterca- 
tion was taking place between the party for concession, 
headed by the Archduke John and the Archduchess 
Sophie, and the party of resistance, headed by Metter- 
nich and the Archduke Louis. Each sought to incline 
the Emperor to their views, and with angry arguments 
reproduced within the Palace the tumult which was 
raging without. 

They were unpleasantly interrupted by the appear- 
ance of a Deputation of the Estates, who had ill received 
Metternich's concessions and now came to voice the 

^ A district in old Vienna, so-called because persons seeking 
sanctuary there were free. This was owing to the place being under 
ecclesiastical jurisdiction, which lasted till the time of Maria Theresa. 

2 One of the oldest portions of Vienna, where formerly the Court 
used to reside, and with which many famous historical events are 
connected. 



296 METTERNICH 

popular demands. The Archduke Louis received them 
calmly and dismissed them with the assurance that a 
Committee should examine the proposals and advise 
the Emperor. The result of a perusal of the contents 
of the petition was that Metternich formed a Com- 
mittee to report on the question of a Constitution for 
Austria and of Reform in general. 

Having accomplished this, the Chancellor returned 
to his residence, beneath the windows of which a Pole 
was delivering an impassioned harangue against the 
Government, which drew forth repeated cries of 
" Down with Metternich " from the excited mob. 
Metternich rushed to a window and listened. Even 
now he could not believe that he had to deal with 
anything more than a street riot. This curious 
delusion resulted from the fact that for man}^ years 
the Chancellor had lived almost entirely in a little 
world of his own, surrounded by a small circle of 
admirers who never told him anything that was likely 
to displease him. There is little doubt that he knew 
less about the state of public opinion in Austria than 
the humblest official in the Chancellor's department. 

When Metternich returned from the Ballplatz to the 
Hofburg he heard that a revolution was really in pro- 
gress. An extraordinary scene of confusion met his 
eyes. The Imperial family was still engaged in a 
wordy warfare as to whether or not orders should be 
given to clear the Palace of unauthorized persons. A 
miscellaneous crowd, under pretence of being members 
of a deputation, had contrived to enter the Hofburg, 
and through the doors of the Council Chamber pene- 
trated their clamorous demands for admission. 

No sooner did Metternich appear than the members 



HUNGARIAN POLICY 297 

of the Imperial Family who were hostile to him begged 
him earnestly to resign and thus obviate all further 
danger. It was indeed perfectly obvious that his 
downfall was now the one aim of the mob. 

Mettemich was not inclined to come to a hasty 
decision. But no one spoke on his behalf ; the 
Emperor and even those on whose support he was 
wont to rely remained silent ; for the first time and 
in a flash it was brought home to him that the in- 
credible was happening, nay had happened, that the 
hour of his downfall had come. 

With an effort he preserved his composure, though 
his heightened colour showed the stress under which he 
was labouring, and walked quickly into the adjoining 
room where the State Conference was sitting. Within 
and without the Hofburg matters had now reached a 
climax. The corridors and state apartments swarmed 
with intruders or authorized members of deputations, 
for a continuous stream of deputations kept demand- 
ing admission. Outside the mob, excited by blood- 
shed, returned the volleys of the troops with stones 
and even with firearms, and the babel of raucous catch- 
words, musketry, shrieks, and extemporary orations 
became every moment more intolerable. 

At length Archduke Louis ordered the Deputations 
to be admitted. Received by Count Hartig they 
demanded Mettemich's resignation, freedom of the 
Press, and a cessation of hostilities. Otherwise they 
would not be responsible for what might happen 
during the night. Count Hartig pointed out that it 
was impossible for the Emperor to sacrifice a faithful 
Minister to the demands of a mob, and Archduke 
Louis, too proud to yield, gave an equally discouraging 



298 METTERNICH 

reply. Nevertheless, he proceeded to the meeting- 
place of the Conference of State and asked Mettemich 
whether he would like to address the Deputation. 
The Chancellor replied that he would, and entered 
the Audience Chamber, closely followed by the Arch- 
dukes Louis, Albert, and Maximilian. Most of the 
other members of the Imperial Family gathered round 
in great trepidation. 

The Deputation consisted of Municipal Officers. 
The Chancellor, tapping one of them on the shoulder, 
said : " You are burgesses ; the burgesses of Vienna 
have on all occasions distinguished themselves ; you 
ought to join the troops in quelling an emeute," 
The men replied that it was not an emeute but a 
revolution in which all classes were taking part, and 
when Metternich refused to admit this and asserted 
that the mob had been led away by foreign agitators, 
Italians, Poles, and Swiss, they drew the Chancellor's 
attention to the thousands of signatures — noble and 
humble — appended to the petition, which proved the 
spontaneous and national character of the movement. 
Let Metternich merely cast his eyes upon the streets 
and he would be disillusioned. No, the burghers 
would not throw in their lot with the troops. Metter- 
nich dismissed the Deputation without an answer, but 
would not allow them to leave the Palace for fear 
that the news of their failure should further infuriate 
the mob. 

Now recommenced a series of angry debates and 
mutual recriminations in the Audience Chamber and 
even in the Emperor's room, where the whole Court 
was promiscuously assembled. The howls of the mob, 
shouting for a National Guard, freedom of the Press, 



HUNGARIAN POLICY 299 

and Metternich's resignation, filtered in through the 
windows. By a coincidence the Vienna papers of 
March 13th contained a Royal Order which had been 
issued a few days before by the Prussian Government 
announcing some reforms, chiefly connected with the 
Press. From this the mob took their cue. 

It was now obvious to all, even to Metternich, that 
concessions must be made, and the Chancellor hurried 
off to his study to draw up for the Emperor's approval 
a scheme of reforms in the spirit of recent Prussian 
enactments. No sooner was he gone than practically 
the whole Court united in begging the Emperor to 
induce Metternich to avert immediate danger to the 
dynasty by resigning. The Archduke John was en- 
trusted with the task of breaking the news to Metter- 
nich and performed it none too kindly. Leaving his 
desk, Metternich followed the Archduke into the 
Audience Chamber, pale, stern, and with an ironical 
smile. He found the members of the Deputation 
uproariously demanding to see the Emperor in order 
to impress upon him the necessity for Metternich's 
dismissal. 

Perfectly calm and collected Metternich walked 
down the Audience Chamber and confronted the 
leaders of the Deputation. " Gentlemen," he said, 
" if you think that by my resignation I shall be doing 
a necessary service to the State, I will resign gladly." 
The Deputation hastened to explain that although 
they had no complaint against him personally, they 
objected to his system and they must accept his 
resignation with pleasure. Metternich rejoined that 
" the task of his life had been to work for the welfare 
of the Monarchy in the position which he occupied ; 



300 METTERNICH 

but if it appeared to any that his continuing in the 
same would imperil the Monarchy, he would consider 
it no sacrifice to retire from his post." Then turning 
to Archduke Louis, he said : "I place my resigna- 
tion in the hands of the Emperor ; I wish him good 
luck with the new regime ; I wish Austria good 
luck ! " 

This announcement was received with loud shouts 
of triumph from the throng of intruders who had 
crowded in behind the Deputation, and with cries of 
" Long live the Emperor." Metternich alone pre- 
served his dignity throughout the unedifying scene 
which ensued. For a moment he quietly surveyed 
the crowd, then, turning without haste and without 
embarrassment, walked up the room and disappeared 
into the background. 

The news of Metternich's resignation, which had 
spread through the immediate vicinity of the Hofburg 
almost coincidently with the event, did not reach the 
suburbs until the morning of the 14th. Consequently 
the mob in these portions of the city spent the night 
in rioting and would have wrecked Metternich's villa 
on the Rennweg, had not the students intervened to 
save it from destruction. In Vienna the Chancellor's 
fall was celebrated with every outward manifestation 
of joy customary on these occasions, bonfires, fire- 
works, and the breaking of street lamps. 

After the scene in the Audience Chamber, the 
Chancellor left the Hofburg at once without any 
further converse with the Emperor or the Court. He 
smiled bitterly as he observed the significant dis- 
appearance as he approached them of formerly ob- 
sequious attendants, and walked straight to his house 




METTERNICH'S SUMMER PALACE IN THE 
RENNWEG-GASSE NO. 5J,6 



HUNGARIAN POLICY 801 

on the Ballplatz ; there his wife was anxiously await- 
ing news. Metternich was wonderfully self-possessed 
and unresentful and calmly related the events of the 
day ; in the evening some friends came to see him, 
and later on came news of the riots in the suburbs 
and the attack on his villa. The Chancellor expressed 
his belief that all would be well on the morrow, but 
nevertheless consented to spend the night at the house 
of Count Louis Taaffe. On the morning of the 14th 
all his hopes were dashed to the ground, for there 
appeared in the papers the official announcement of 
his resignation. It had been previously arranged that 
his wife and family should leave Vienna and reside for 
a time on the Bohemian estates. Now the Princess 
begged her husband to accompany her. Metternich 
consented. But it was brought home to the ex- 
Chancellor how his friends were slipping away from 
him when he applied to the Treasury, as usual, for 
the means to undertake the journey and was refused. 

Two faithful friends were eventually found, who 
conducted Metternich and his wife over the barricades 
to the Palace of Prince Liechtenstein, where they 
remained till dusk. At length a cabman was induced 
to take them out of Vienna ; the party was suffered 
to pass the limits of the city without questions and 
took refuge with friends in a house just outside. Here 
another carriage was found to take them safely out 
of the lines of Vienna to a country mansion at 
Feldsberg. 



CHAPTER XV 

EXILE AND LAST YEARS 

Metternich decides to seek safety with his family in the fortress 
of Ohniitz — Being refused admittance, he resolves to travel to 
England — Holland is reached after considerable discomfort and 
anxiety — Thence the family cross to England and take up their 
residence in London — Life in London — Friendly offices of the Duke 
of Welhngton — Visits to Brighton and Strathiieldsaye — Residence 
at the Old Palace, Richmond — Metternich's health requires a 
change of chmate — The family accordingly move to Brussels — 
Negotiations for a return to Austria — The family leave Brussels for 
Johannisberg — And thence make their entry into Vienna — Cordial 
reception by the Emperor and Court — Metternich's position is, 
nevertheless, completely changed, and his importance is merely 
historical — Entire reversal of his policy galled him — His last years, 
death and funeral] 

FROM March i7th-2ist the family remained at 
Feldsberg in the greatest anxiety. On the 22nd 
news came that the Council had decreed that Metter- 
nich must take his departure within twenty-four hours. 
The only question that remained was the choice of a 
refuge. The fortified town of Olmiitz, where the 
Commandant and the Archbishop were well-disposed, 
was eventually selected as the most promising refuge. 
Thither accordingly the Prince and Princess prepared 
to go, leaving behind their daughter and two younger 
sons. Richard alone of the family accompanied them 
when they commenced their journey at six o'clock on 
the evening of the 22nd. 

Olmiitz was reached partly by driving and partly 

302 



EXILE AND LAST YEARS 303 

by railway ; during the latter portion of the journey 
the carriage was placed on the top of a truck and so 
conveyed to its destination without any inconvenience 
to the occupants. But the confidence which Metter- 
nich had placed in the loyalty of his friends in the 
city proved vain. The authorities protested that they 
would not be responsible for the safety of the fugitive, 
and insisted that the journey must be continued. 
Since it was evident that no one in Austria could be 
trusted, Metternich at length decided to make for 
England, the recognized home of political refugees. 
In accordance with this decision the family at once 
started for Prague. To ensure secrecy, their coach 
was placed upon a truck attached to an ordinary 
goods train, and the blinds were drawn to give the 
impression that it was unoccupied. To the inmates 
the journey seemed interminable, and at one station 
where the train remained in a siding for seventeen 
hours, Metternich, overcome with thirst, lost patience 
and called out to the guard for a glass of water. The 
guard nearly betrayed them in his astonishment at 
finding the coach occupied, but was successfully bribed, 
and soon afterwards gave the signal for the train to 
continue its journey. Just before reaching Prague the 
family left the train and completed the journey in 
their coach. 

At Prague they were much indebted to the kind- 
ness of a police superintendent, who provided them 
with national cocades, and procured passes made out 
in the name of an English family. As the Metternichs 
invariably talked French to each other during the 
journey, this choice of nationality did not serve to 
allay suspicion at their various halting places. 



S04 METTERNICH 

From Prague they made their way gradually to 
the Dutch frontier, passing through Teplitz where 
they were recognized but, to their surprise, treated 
with respect, Dresden, where they obtained fresh 
passes made out in the name of Herr and Frau von 
Matteux, Leipsic, Hanover, and Osnabriick. They 
endured considerable discomfort. The Princess 
especially was obsessed by a haunting dread of any- 
body who looked like a student and raised false alarms 
on more than one occasion. At Frankfurt, where 
they spent a day, Metternich unexpectedly encountered 
an Austrian colonel who recognized him and collected 
a hostile crowd, which appeared inclined to mob 
the ex-Chancellor. Metternich, however, judiciously 
slipped through the backdoor of a house belonging 
to one of the Rothschilds, whither his pursuers did 
not follovsf. 

Throughout the journey across Germany the jolting 
of the carriage caused Metternich much distress, while 
the arrangements at many of the less frequented inns 
at which they stopped left much to be desired. More- 
over, Metternich had some difficulty in raising a loan 
for the expenses of the ourney. 

At length, however, they crossed the Dutch frontier 
at Oldenzart and thence travelled to Arnheim. They 
were much struck with the cleanliness and neatness 
of everything in Holland, the well-kept roads with 
well-wooded country on either side " like an English 
park," as Metternich expressed it. 

Metternich had intended only to remain in Holland 
a day or two before crossing over to England. But on 
his arrival he had written to the Queen of Holland 
informing her of his arrival, and the answer had been 



EXILE AND LAST YEARS 305 

such a pressing invitation from the Queen and Prince 
Regent to remain longer that he decided to do so. 
On the 5th of April the Metternichs left Arnheim for 
Amsterdam in order that the Chancellor, who had 
contracted a fever, might consult a physician. Thence 
they continued their journey to the Hague, where the 
Princess of Orange had invited them to visit her. 
As her husband was still too unwell to move, Princess 
Metternich went to see the Princess of Orange alone. 
After a very friendly interview, the Prince of Orange, 
who accompanied her to the door on her departure, 
went out of his way to express a hope that all Europe 
would hear of the hearty welcome accorded to the 
refugees in Holland. 

The Metternichs remained at the Hague until the 
19th, when they travelled to Rotterdam, whence their 
steamer started for England. The crossing, though 
brief, was uncomfortable. The sea was calm enough, 
and only some of the servants were ill. But the 
cabins were dirty, there was a considerable cargo of 
sheep and cattle on board, and while steaming up the 
Thames in the early morning there was a collision 
with a sailing-ship, which happUy was more alarming 
than serious. 

They landed at Blackwall on April 20th at 10 a.m., 
and by one o'clock they were established at their 
hotel — the Brunswick, in Hanover Street. Here they 
were at once visited by numerous friends, and amongst 
the first was the Duke of Wellington, who had been 
anxiously awaiting the arrival of his old friend. 

There is little need to dwell at length on the period 
of Metternich's residence on English soil. Melanie 
and Richard joined their parents on May i6th, by 
20 



306 METTERNICH 

which date the family was estabUshed at No. 44 Eaton 
Square, which Metternich rented for four months 
from Lord Denbigh. 

Metternich at this time was far from well. The 
unexpectedness of the blow and the strain of the 
hurried flight from the country in which he had held 
the leading place for nearly fifty years had under- 
mined his health, already impaired by the weight 
of advancing years. To the great distress of the 
Princess he became subject to fits of melancholy, and 
felt deeply the contrast between his present inactivity 
and comparative unimportance and his former position 
as a dominant figure in the politics of Europe. For 
the first few months of his residence in London he 
rarely walked beyond the boundaries of Eaton Square, 
and throughout the remainder of his sojourn he was 
always under the care of doctors. 

According to his own account, he spent his mornings 
in reading or writing, took a short stroll in the after- 
noon, and afterwards passed the time in conversation 
with friends. The evenings were devoted to whist. 
,The only public function in which he took a leading 
part was on the occasion of a deputation from the 
Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, headed by their 
respective Chancellors, the Duke of Wellington and 
the Prince Consort, to offer condolences to the Queen 
on the death of her aunt, Princess Sophie. Metternich 
accompanied the deputation as a Doctor of Civil Law 
at Oxford, and remarks that he had held his degree, 
which dated from 1814, longer than almost anybody 
present. 

The feeling of security, however, now that he had 
found a resting-place on British soil, contrasting so 



EXILE AND LAST YEARS 307 

sharply with the discomforts and even perils which he 
and his family had experienced in Austria, caused him 
to regard all that he saw of England in a very favour- 
able light — a point of view which was altogether out 
of keeping with his sentiments at other periods of his 
career. While the Princess was bewildered at the 
large size of London and the grandeur of Westminster 
Abbey, Metternich was loud in his praises of the order 
and quiet maintained in the great city. The smallest 
incidents of London life pleased him— the volume of 
traffic and the prosperity it implied, the hospitality 
shown him by people whom he hardly knew, the mass 
of shipping passing to and fro on the Thames, when he 
was well enough to walk as far as London Bridge, and, 
standing upon it, watch the endless procession gUde 
past. He was much interested in the Chartist move- 
ment, and on the occasion of the famous march of 
20,000 Chartists through London, Richard, who, 
with Melanie and the faithful Baron Hugel had come 
over to join his parents, was enrolled as a special con- 
stable, not altogether with Metternich's approval. 

During their residence in London, the Metternichs 
naturally became acquainted with all the most notable 
figures in English Society, and did a considerable 
amount of entertaining themselves at the house in 
Eaton Square. The Duke of Wellington was natur- 
ally their most frequent visitor. He placed an officer 
of the Guards at Metternich's disposal during the 
whole of his stay in England, and used to pay the 
Chancellor a visit nearly every morning and often 
again in the evening. The Duke and Duchess of 
Cambridge also showed them great kindness, and the 
Queen-Mother entertained them one afternoon at 



808 METTERNICH 

her villa at Bushey. Amongst foreigners the Metter- 
nichs saw most of Neumann, the Austrian ambassador 
in London, and the Russian Prince Lieven and his 
wife. At the latter 's house Princess Metternich met 
Macaulay, who rather startled her by some of his 
statements in regard to certain historical events. 
Members of both political parties were frequent 
visitors, and it is probable that Metternich occasion- 
ally was inclined to take somewhat too keen an 
interest in British politics, with a decided bias towards 
the Conservative side. At least one speech of Disraeli's 
was said to have been suggested by him. Indeed 
Metternich deeply felt his inactivity and consequent 
ineffectiveness ; he never ceased to take a keen 
interest in European politics and to follow events with 
the closest attention. What perhaps annoyed him 
most was that he no longer received notices of the 
meetings of the Order of Maria Theresa, of which 
honourable body he was Chancellor. He prized this 
dignity more than any other, and was deeply hurt at 
being forgotten. In fact his last words to his wife 
as they were leaving Vienna were to the effect that the 
one dignity which he would yield to no one while life 
remained, was that of Chancellor of the Order of 
Maria Theresa. 

His restless and chafing spirit found vent in a series 
of memoranda which he drew up treating of current 
affairs, and in a succession of highly injudicious letters 
written to persons in Austria, giving his views and 
advice on Austrian policy. 

Since the Chancellor's health continued unsatis- 
factory, the Metternichs left London in September 
for Brighton, where they took up their abode until 



EXILE AND LAST YEARS 309 

April 1849. Princess Lieven, one of Metternich's 
most intimate lady friends, was also at Brighton with 
Guizot, the French ex-Minister, and gave him a hearty 
welcome. She describes Princess Metternich as big 
and common, but kind-hearted, genuine, and with 
charming manners, while the Ex-Chancellor was 
" uncommonly talkative," but very deaf and very 
tedious when talking of his own misfortunes, though 
very interesting in his account of the past, and especi- 
ally of Napoleon. 

In December they paid a brief visit to the Duke of 
Wellington at Strathfieldsaye, where a family party, 
with the addition of some Austrians, had been invited 
to meet them. This was Metternich's first experience 
of English country-house life, and he expresses amuse- 
ment at the manner in which the day was portioned 
out into periods, each set apart for some particular 
ploy. The custom of the ladies all retiring to bed at 
the same time especially struck him, together with 
the formality of dinner, and the dullness of the interval 
between that meal and tea. 

For some months the Princess occupied herself with 
looking out for a suitable house in the suburbs or at 
least in the neighbourhood of London, where the 
family could spend the summer months. After con- 
siderable difficulty, a suitable house was discovered in 
in the Old Palace at Richmond, the scene of the de- 
cease of Queen Elizabeth. The family took up their 
quarters there on April 17th, after a brief stay in 
London at Mivart's Hotel, the modern Claridge's. 
They remained at Richmond until October. 

During the Richmond period of the exiles' sojourn 
in England the Chancellor's health grew worse and gave 



310 METTERNICH 

the greatest anxiety to his family, particularly in 
the months of June and July. He became subject 
to frequent and alarming fainting fits, which were the 
more painful to his family from the fact that he 
bitterly resented all efforts to help him to his feet, 
being under the delusion that he had merely slipped 
from his chair. As he lost his physical strength, he 
became more and more querulous and sensitive of his 
country's ingratitude. He was constantly attended 
by his family physician, Dr Weber, for the Princess 
refused to trust him to English doctors, although the 
Duke of Wellington sent his own doctor, Fergusson, to 
offer his assistance. 

In view of the grave state of Metternich's health, 
it became necessary to look out for some residence 
in a climate where the severity of the English winter 
could be avoided, and incidentally in a country where 
living was less expensive. Metternich's inclination 
to return to the Continent was strengthened by a 
very gracious letter which he received in August from 
the Emperor Francis Joseph, inquiring after his health 
and asking for news of him and his family, and, what 
was more significant, expressing hope of a possibility 
of the Chancellor's return to Austria. The town 
which eventually commended itself to the Metternichs 
was Brussels. Before deciding definitely, the Prince 
wrote to King Leopold, asking whether his presence 
in Belgium would be acceptable, and was gratified to 
receive a favourable reply, stating that all countries 
were not ungrateful, and that Belgium, mindful of 
Metternich's former services to her, would be only 
too glad to welcome him and his family. 

When Brussels had finally been decided upon, 



EXILE AND LAST YEARS 311 

Richard was dispatched thither in advance to engage 
a house. The Prince and Princess travelled to London 
on October 7th, and stayed three nights at Mivart's 
Hotel. On the 9th the Duke of Wellington came from 
Strathiieldsaye and the Duke of Cambridge from Kew 
to say farewell. 

On the loth they started for the Continent in almost 
regal state. A royal carriage conveyed them to Dover, 
and they were accompanied by the Duke of Mecklen- 
burg, Lord Brougham, Colleredo, and other distin- 
guished persons. Metternich was in high spirits, and 
talked more vivaciously than for months previously. 
They embarked at Dover, after playing a game of 
whist, and reached Ostend without incident. The 
children who were to have followed almost immediately 
were delayed at Dover for five days by a storm. 

After spending a couple of hours at Ostend, the 
Prince and Princess travelled to Brussels, taking up 
their quarters in an hotel. Here Richard met them 
with the unwelcome news that he had been unable 
to secure them a house. 

It was indeed with the greatest difficulty that the 
Princess was able to find a house both cheap and 
reasonably suitable. As she plaintively remarked, 
every householder in Brussels seemed bent on obtain- 
ing the poor remnants of the Metternich fortune. 

At length a house belonging to a certain Beriot, 
a violinist, was taken, which was fairly comfortable, 
save that the dining-room, having no windows, was 
lighted solely from the roof, and had been used by the 
owner as a theatre. 

The time passed pleasantly enough at Brussels. 
Old friends as well as friends recently made in England 



812 METTERNICH 

were constantly passing through on their way to or 
from Austria or England. The Chancellor paid a visit 
to the King at Laeken, Thiers also visited Brussels, 
and horrified Princess Melanie by arriving at a banquet 
given by the Court in his honour late, and wearing 
a black tie and grey trousers. 

Financial troubles still continued to press upon 
the famUy, and at this time the sale was discussed of 
the two Metternich properties on the Rhine, as, apart 
from the need of money, there was the possibility of 
their confiscation. Richard was dispatched to look 
after his father's interests in Bohemia, whence he 
reported that peasants and gentry alike entertained 
feelings of the warmest affection for the Chancellor. 
In December Richard started his diplomatic career. 

In March 1850, Metternich, who at the beginning 
of the year had suffered from a recurrence of his faint- 
ing fits, began to meditate a return to Austria. He 
felt that he had not long to live, and desired to end 
his days at home. He accordingly determined to use 
the good offices of his old friend Schwarzenberg, now 
all-powerful in Austria, to secure his return, with such 
success that in April he received a letter from Schwar- 
zenberg, assuring him that no objection would be made 
to his return, and with a message from the Emperor 
himself confirming this assurance. Metternich at 
once resolved to move to Johannisberg, with the idea 
of ultimately returning to Vienna. 

In June 1851, accordingly, the Metternichs left 
Brussels in a royal carriage provided by King Leopold. 
They drove by way of Liege and Cologne to Bonn, 
where they took ship, and landing at Oestrich-Winkel, 
drove to Johannisberg, which they were both over- 



EXILE AND LAST YEARS 313 

joyed to see again. Here they were overwhelmed 
with visitors, old friends hastening to greet them, 
political trimmers wishing to be on the right side, 
and Johannisberg again became the rendezvous of 
Ministers, Diplomatists, and Princes. The King of 
Prussia visited Johannisberg on his way to Frankfurt 
and was given a glass of the famous wine, which he 
drank in a bumper to celebrate the Emperor of 
Austria's birthday, which happened to fall on that 
day. It was not long before Metternich was relieved 
from all doubts as to the advisability of his return to 
Vienna, and in September, after paying a visit to the 
King of Wurtemburg at Stuttgart, the family started 
for the Austrian capital by easy stages, visiting 
Dresden, and spending a short time at their Bohemian 
possessions at Konigswart. They performed the latter 
part of the journey from Lintz by boat. 

They disembarked 'at Nussdorf at half -past four on 
the evening of September 7th, and thence drove to 
Vienna. A great crowd had collected to greet them. 
On arriving at the villa, the Princess was delighted to 
find everything unchanged. Old friends, old servants 
were there to greet them, and to the Princess even 
the flowers seemed to nod recognition. Metternich 
arrived wearing an English suit of clothes, and this is 
said to have started the fashion of wearing English 
attire, which continued throughout the century. 

The only unpleasant incident was caused by some 
newspapers hostile to the ex-Chancellor, who suddenly 
announced that Metternich in order to celebrate his 
return, had promised to redeem all pawn-tickets under 
the value of 20 gulden. Deceived by this announce- 
ment, crowds of those possessed of pawn-tickets 



314 METTERNICH 

surrounded the villa. The porter in vain protested 
that there was no truth in the rumour, and that even 
if there was Metternich would not have transacted the 
business at his private mansion. Eventually the 
crowd had to be dispersed by the police. 

On the day of the return the Emperor was at Ischl, 
but Schwarzenberg came to call as his representative. 
On the following day, however, the Emperor returned 
and immediately visited the old statesman and had 
a long interview with him, hearing his views and 
receiving his advice on current political issues. 

But if the aged statesman believed that his return 
to Vienna signified his return to power he was 
grievously mistaken. Outwardly indeed it might 
seem that he had come to his own again. His son, 
Richard, had been made a gentleman of the bed- 
chamber. On October 5th, the Prince and his wife, 
who had now taken up their residence in the viUa on 
the Reunweg, appeared at Court for the first time since 
their return. Thenceforth they attended all public 
functions and were received with honour by every one. 
It was sometimes painful, for the Princess especially, 
to attend entertainments given by the Schwarzenbergs 
in the very rooms where she had formerly presided as 
hostess. 

It is possible that Metternich's influence on Austrian 
foreign policy at this period has been underrated, for 
undoubtedly the Emperor often sought his advice ; 
but in other departments of State it may be said with 
little exaggeration that his advice was always asked, 
never taken. It is pathetic to read of this mock 
homage rendered to the conceit of a once great states- 
man. When Count Buol succeeded Schwarzenberg 



EXILE AND LAST YEARS 315 

as Chancellor, he at once visited Metternich to ask his 
advice before taking up his new duties, and up to the 
very last months of his life Metternich used to over- 
whelm Buol with voluminous treatises on current 
political questions. 

The fact remained that Metternich's whole policy 
had been reversed ; his belief in the impossibility of 
revolution in the Austrian Empire had been rudely 
shattered, and out of chaos Austria had emerged as a 
constitutional monarchy. She had become indebted 
to Russia, who had aided her to crush the revolution, 
and Metternich saw his lifelong policy of curbing the 
ambition of Russia thrown aside in favour of close 
friendship between the two Eastern Powers. On the 
other hand his efforts to preserve friendship between 
Austria and Prussia were being set at nought by the 
new-fangled Austrian diplomacy. The breach was 
widening, and already events were trending towards 
the struggle of 1866. As to Austria's relations with 
France, here again traditional Hapsburg policy was 
going to ruin over the disputes with the French govern- 
ment in regard to Italy, which were so soon to be 
decided by war. 

Apart from the reversal of his policy, Metternich's 
period of government had left singularly little impres- 
sion upon Austria. He was not personally unpopular, 
and even the unpopularity of his system had been 
forgotten. A new Austria had arisen, which knew 
him not. It is a curious fact that to the inhabitants 
of Austria in general, Metternich was, after his return 
from exile, merely an interesting historical relic. 

Occasionally his impotence was brought home to 
the ex-Minister himself. On one occasion a Minister 



316 METTERNICH 

brought to him the draft of a plan for Reform which 
he was about to lay before the Council. After 
Metternich had spent many hours perusing it, he dis- 
covered that the document would have to be placed 
before the Council so soon that there would be no time 
to include such amendments as he was prepared to 
suggest. 

There is indeed no need to linger over this last and 
inglorious period of Metternich' s career. The decease 
of most of his dearest friends and relations showed 
that his own time must be drawing nigh. The Duke of 
Wellington, Count Apponyi, and the Duke of Leuch- 
tenberg had all died in 1852, and the saddest blow of 
all came when Princess Melanie passed away on March 
27th, 1854. From the date of her death he failed 
rapidly, and his constant anxiety in regard to affairs 
abroad wore away his health. 

During the greater part of the year Metternich lived 
at his beautiful villa on the Landstrasse. Surrounded 
by a fine park and grounds, beautified by masses of 
flowers and by every device of landscape gardening, 
and containing numerous and valuable treasures of 
art, this residence was worthy of its illustrious inhabi- 
tant. Great state was observed within its precincts, 
and a guest entering for the first time was apt to be 
somewhat overwhelmed. 

Yet Metternich's private apartments were remark- 
able for taste and simplicity rather than for magnifi- 
cence, and he himself was usually dressed in a sober 
and dark costume. 

Now, as ever, the ex-Chancellor looked his part. 
His hair, though snow-white, was stUl plentiful, and 
his facial characteristics — thin-cut mouth and red lips, 



EXILE AND LAST YEARS 317 

pale tint, noble brow, and large clear blue eyes, still 
combined to give him that refined and majestic air for 
which he had ever been distinguished. Undoubtedly, 
however, his mind and memory were failing, and he 
had grown so deaf that it was necessary to carry on 
a conversation by shouting into his ear. Not that he 
was by any means averse to conversation. He was 
more accessible at this period of his life than ever 
before, for he had more leisure. 

Any foreigner passing through Vienna would nearly 
always visit him, and his aid was often invoked by 
people who were writing histories of the period during 
which he had been in power. Thiers, amongst others, 
came to hear his version of his famous interview with 
Napoleon in the Marcolini Palace at Dresden, although 
Metternich complained afterwards that Thiers had not 
written down what he had told him. 

On the occasion of these visits Metternich delighted 
in talking about himself and defending his policy. 
Especially did he resent being regarded as a stumbling- 
block to liberty. He denied that he was an absolutist. 
He had, indeed, no sympathy for the modern and, in 
his eyes, decadent rage for constitutional systems. 
They were, he thought, unfitted for practical states- 
manship, since the strife of parties counteracted the 
benefits of a union of sovereign and people and 
must end in constant bickerings. Even a republic 
was preferable to constitutional government. The 
example of England was wholly irrelevant, since her 
history and the social characteristics of her people 
were different to those of Euroge. Besides, in his 
opinion, England was ruled by an oligarchy. Equally 
pronounced was his opinion that France could not 



318 METTERNICH 

possibly maintain a stable existence under its present 
government. 

On May 15th 1859, he celebrated his 86th birthday. 
It was noticed on that occasion that he was extremely 
vivacious and full of conversation at table, but that at 
the same time there was a change for the worse in his 
appearance. Alexander von Hubner/ who was staying 
with Mettemich shortly before his death, gives the 
following account of his last interview with the ex- 
Chancellor : " On the evening of the 25th I was due 
to start for Naples. I spent the whole morning with 
him. We took a short stroll in the garden, during 
which he leant on my arm. It grieved me to feel how 
light the burden seemed. Then I followed him into 
his cabinet. Our conversation was keen and animated. 
As I was saying good-bye he said to me, over and over 
again, with emphasis, ' I was a bulwark of Order ' 
(' ein Fels der Ordnung'). I had already closed the 
door behind me when I softly opened it again to take 
one more look at the great statesman. There he sat 
at his writing-desk, pen in hand, meditatively gazing 
upwards, bolt upright, cold, haughty, distinguished, 
as I had so often seen him formerly in the Chancellor's 
Office, when in the full blaze of his power. The shadow 
of coming death, which on the previous day I thought 
I remarked, was gone from his visage. A sunbeam 
lighted up the room, and the reflected light illuminated 
the noble features. After some time he noticed me 
between the folding-doors, fixed upon me a long look 
of the greatest goodwill, and turning, said, half-aloud, 
half to himself, ' un rocher d'ordre.' " 

From this time Metternich gradually sank. The 

^ Austrian ambassador to France. 



EXILE AND LAST YEARS 319 

war against Napoleon IIL in Italy was being fought, 
and anxiety for the fate of the Austrian arms and 
regarding the general course of events worried him 
and wore down his strength. He maintained his mental 
capacities to the end, and on the very evening before 
his death read the papers with avidity. The news 
from Italy, now swarming with French invaders, and 
the alarnimg spectre of a new, conquering Napoleon, 
re-acted fatally upon his health. 

On June loth he was carried into the garden in a 
bath-chair. Paul Esterhazy, the friend of his youth 
and formerly ambassador in London, was constantly 
at his side. Next morning he fainted while dressing. 
Old Dr Jager, the family physician, put him to bed, 
and summoned those of the family who were in Vienna, 
Princess Hermione, Countess Melanie Zichy with her 
husband, Lothar, his youngest son, and some old 
friends. About mid-day the dying statesman received 
the Sacrament, making the sign of the Cross, since he 
was now speechless, and then after a feeble motion of 
the hand, intended for his sons Richard and Paul, 
who were absent in Italy at the seat of war, quietly 
passed away, almost at the very hour when the French 
made their entry into Milan. 

It is mournful to reflect how differently the news 
of Metternich's death would have been received by 
Austria and by Europe twelve years before. Then it 
would have caused a stir in every cabinet, consternation 
to every absolutist monarch, j oy to every Liberal. Now 
it was the removal of an interesting historical relic. It is 
almost inconceivable how little impression Metternich's 
period of greatness had left, and how entirely he had 
become to all intents and purposes a private person. 



820 METTERNICH 

Not that the pomp and solemnity of his funeral left 
anything to be desired. On June 15th, at the Metter- 
nichs' Palace, where the body had been Ij^ng in state, 
assembled as illustrious a company of mourners as 
ever graced a great stateman's funeral. All the Arch- 
dukes, the Ministers, the Diplomatic Corps, the 
Knights of the Order of Maria Theresa, numerous 
military officers and civil servants, Bishops and re- 
presentatives of every religious order, not to mention 
a great number of artists and learned men, joined in 
paying their last tribute to the dead statesman. 

A procession was formed to the Parish Church of 
St Borromeo ; in front of the coffin, which rested on 
a hearse ornamented with the Metternich arms, walked 
Franciscan monks ; beside it a long row of link- 
bearers. Behind the coffin walked the nearest re- 
lations, the friends and servants of the house, and a 
great concourse of courtiers and statesmen of every 
rank and denomination. On four black satin cushions 
placed upon the coffin were displayed the numerous 
orders, including most of the very highest in Europe, 
which had been bestowed upon the deceased by almost 
every country with the exception of England. 

At the door of the church the parish priest, accom- 
panied by his subordinates and to the strains of funeral 
music, received the coffin and conducted it to the steps 
of the High Altar for consecration. The presbytery 
of the Church was draped in black and adorned with 
the arms of the deceased. Altar and pews were hung 
with black ; numerous tapers and wax candles, burn- 
ing on the altars and along the aisles, illuminated that 
motley company assembled together to pay honour to 
the last representative of Austria of the olden time. 



EXILE AND LAST YEARS 321 

As sodn as the consecration was over, the corpse 
was placed in an ordinary luggage cart and conveyed 
to the Northern Railway Station. Hence it was taken 
to the family burial place at Plass in Bohemia. There 
in the Chapel lies Metternich, surrounded by some of 
the most beautiful scenery in Bohemia. Over the 
entrance to the sepulchre is carved the simple inscrip- 
tion Pax Vobis. 

Of Metternich's three surviving sons, Richard, the 
eldest, was at the time of his father's death Austrian 
ambassador at Dresden, and afterwards was Austrian 
plenipotentiary in Paris for the drawing up of the 
Peace of VUlafranca. Prince Paul was a captain in 
the Austrian cavalry, while Lothar was still completing 
his education. 



CHAPTER XVI 

CONCLUSION 

Metternich's personal appearance and health — His character — 
Conceit — Lax morals — Extravagance — Social charm — Conversa- 
tional powers — A great reader — Originality — Not a sportsman — 
Love of gardening and science — A good CathoUc — A patron of art — 
His calmness and callousness — Affection for his children — His early 
dishke of Great Britain — After his exile his views in this respect 
become modified — His views on certain British statesmen — His 
character as a statesman — His sinister reputation in history is 
undeserved — The circumstances of his birth and early years of office 
must be considered if we are to understand his policy — The character 
of the Emperor Francis — Metternich's conviction that Stability was 
a necessity for Austria — His place as a European statesman — The 
real defects of his policy — Timidity — Desire to convey an impression 
of strength — Inconsistency — A brilhant diplomatist but a moderate 
statesman — Successful up to the fall of Napoleon — Afterwards he 
failed to supply the needs of the Age — He did not even remain 
consistently opportunist — Summing up 

ALL the portraits of Metternich, whether in youth 
or in later Hfe, testify to his good looks, and 
strangers on first making his acquaintance were 
always struck by the nobility of his features and 
the stateliness of his bearing. 

His health, on the whole, was good. At one period 
his eyesight gave him trouble, and in later life he 
became exceedingly deaf. He was also subject to 
rheumatism, and spent a portion of each Autumn 
taking the baths and water at Ischl, Baden, Carlsbad 
or some other watering-place. It often took the form 
of feverish attacks which, coming upon him without 

322 



CONCLUSION 828 

warning, would confine him to his bed for several days. 
But he suffered from the worry and anxiety resulting 
from some political crisis more frequently than from 
real illness. 

Metternich's personal character had one glaring 
defect — inordinate conceit. It appeared in a variety 
of forms, and coloured every sphere of his activities. 
It caused him to beheve himself the most versatile 
of men. He used to assert that had he chosen he might 
have become a distinguished Professor of Chemistry. 
He also imagined that he was a born military genius, 
although, in spite of his intimacy with famous generals, 
and his acquaintance with battlefields, his knowledge 
of strategy was contemptible. 

Another form of conceit was never to admit himself 
in the wrong, and to regard as the truth what he 
wished to be true. In his Memoirs he constantly 
takes credit for prophesying political events, months, 
nay years, before they occurred, and he obviously 
revised his Papers in later years lest evidence of 
mistaken views of faulty policy should mar his reputa- 
tion in the eyes of posterity. It is not surprising that 
he was open to flattery, and that towards the end of his 
political life he confined himself to a narrow circle of 
admirers, who only told him what was calculated to 
please him, with the result that he was really ignorant 
of the storm which was hovering over him. Again 
Metternich's conceit is manifested in the long- 
winded and turgid style of his " Memoirs " and 
especially of his official despatches. Examples 
selected at random are his Report to the Emperor 
Francis on the condition of France during his residence 
in Paris in 1809, his Memorandum on the general 



324 METTERNICH 

political situation arising from the Belgian-Dutch 
question in 1833, or his instructions to Count Esterhazy 
regarding the London Conference on the Eastern 
question in 1822. All these documents are exhaustive, 
lengthy, and elaborately worded. In 1828 Count 
Zichy in acknowledging the receipt of one of Metter- 
nich's Memorandums plaintively refers to it as " the 
voluminous communication which your highness ad- 
dressed to me — the mere reading of which was a 
work of several consecutive days for me." 

Instances of Metternich's self-satisfaction abound 
in his Autobiography and in his private letters. Here 
are a few : " I judge of the Revolution more truly than 
most men who have been in the midst of it ; " " I 
have to meet the German Ministers . . . they expect 
me as a Messiah ; " " The public journals, which do 
not usually pass me over, foUow me step by step ; " 
" Fain's Memoirs of the year 18 13 are worth 
reading — they contain my history as well as Napo- 
leon's ; " or again, in a letter to Gentz in 1825, " As 
an instance of how right, as such, is acknowledged by 
the majority of the people, I may mention the thorough 
confidence shown in me by all parties." 

Not less pleasing is a sentence which occurs in a 
letter describing his daughter Hermione : " She is 
very like my mother, possesses therefore some of my 
charm." 

In justice to Metternich it must be admitted that 
he had something to be conceited about. Conceit 
was not Metternich's only defect. Perhaps it is hardly 
fair to accuse a typical eighteenth century statesman 
of immorality. Metternich was born into an age of 
lax morals. To expect him to be a thoroughly faithful 




PRINCE METTERNICH 

FROM THE PAINTING BY FRANCOIS GERARD 



CONCLUSION 325 

husband, or entirely free from the influence of women, 
is to expect what was not demanded of any English 
statesman of the period, and was fulfilled by few 
except the Pitts. Further, it must be remembered 
that his first and third marriages were marriages of 
convenience, and that his second wife, with whom he 
was really in love, only survived one year of wedded 
life. Though capable of temporary passion, and, as in 
his relations with Caroline Bonaparte and Princess 
Bagration, of considerable constancy, Metternich with 
his cold and calculating temperament was frequently 
actuated in his love affairs by political motives as much 
as by his genuine taste for women's society. 

Metternich had no idea of the value of money, a 
defect which he inherited from his father. Although 
he obtained a considerable revenue from his vineyards 
at Johannisberg and from the mineral springs which he 
owned at Konigswart, his income never equalled his 
expenditure. On each of his estates he was constantly 
building or renovating houses, constructing roads or 
laying out parks and gardens. At Vienna and in the 
country he loved to entertain lavishly, and the main- 
tenance of a princely establishment flattered his pride 
as it emptied his purse. 

If he saw anything he coveted, from a statue by 
Canova to a ruined castle, he would buy it regardless 
of the expense. Lack of time and inclination pre- 
vented him from properly administering his posses- 
sions. Everything was left to agents, who, in many 
cases took advantage of his long absences to feather 
their own nests. Metternich's third wife bitterly 
complained of this in her Diary, and she seems to have 
taken a great deal of the management of her husband's 



82B METTERNICH 

estates into her own hands. " It will be difficult to 
bring things into order," she writes, " but I hope at 
least to put some stop to the mismanagement." 

Conceit, extravagance and a moral standard not 
above that of the century in which he was born — 
these are the less pleasing traits of Metternich's private 
character. 

Otherwise there is little to urge against him. His 
social charm was great. He was the sort of man that 
nowadays would be equally a favourite with the 
ladies in the drawing-room and with the men in the 
smoking-room. The former he would probably have 
delighted with descriptions of the dresses worn at the 
Court of Napoleon in 1809 and at the Congress of 
Vienna in 181 5 ; the latter with anecdotes of Napoleon 
and perhaps a vivid account of the famous interview 
in the Marcolini Palace. For Metternich was a great 
conversationalist ; his innate self-satisfaction led him 
sometimes, especially in later years, to monopolize the 
conversation, but he had seen so much and had so much 
of interest to recount that his audience was not often 
wearied. On Napoleon and the period before 1815 
he loved to discourse. 

Metternich was essentially a social man. He loved 
to be in the centre of life, to be amused, occupied, 
surrounded by a crowd. " I am not made for loneli- 
ness," he once wrote, " I need life about me ... I 
do not trust anchorites ; they are mostly tiresome or 
tired out, and, what is worse, they are often wicked 
men ; " and again, " man is not intended to be alone, 
and those who assert the contrary are unhealthy 
either in mind or heart." Consequently his friends 
were always either interesting or quaint or lively. 



CONCLUSION 327 

He did not love dullards or unoriginal men. His 
women friends were all remarkable for something — 
beauty, immorality, wit, or singing. It mattered 
little which, so long as they were in some way different 
from the common herd. Similarly he liked Gentz for 
his outlandish foppery, his queer remarks and his love 
of sweetmeats, Marmont for his enthusiasm about 
science, Orloff, the Russian diplomatist, because he 
was " merry and full of fun." He was always looking 
out for something original, always had wide interests, 
curiously like the men of the Renaissance period — a 
Maximilian or a Lorenzo de Medici. 

He devoured the newspapers greedily, even to those 
parts containing merely literary and theatrical critiques, 
up to the day of his death, and to the end maintained 
his ready wit and freshness of memory, though latterly 
his one topic of conversation was himself. Of the 
diversity of his interests endless examples might be 
given. 

He was not a sportsman in the modern sense ; he 
rarely hunted or shot. Billiards and draughts were 
his favourite games. In his youth he was an enthusi- 
astic dancer, but in 1834 Princess Melanie expresses 
surprise at his sudden determination to attend a 
Charity Ball at Vienna. He had grown to regard 
dancing as irksome. 

Though the greater part of his life was spent in towns, 
Metternich was no despiser of country pursuits. He 
took great interest in his vineyards at Johannisberg, 
as weU as in the making of the wine, while on his 
estates at Plass and Konigswart he not only planted a 
large number of trees but took great pains to improve 
the plantations already existing. He loved flowers. 



■^UliJfcii 



328 METTERNICH 

"They are worth more than politics," he once said, 
and Princess Melanie records in her Diary his pleasure 
at observing a red rhododendron blooming in February. 
He was very proud of his gardens, on which he spent 
large sums. " All the neighbourhood come to see my 
garden, which is the wonder of travellers," he wrote 
from Johannisberg in 1826. Gentz shared Metter- 
nich's passion for flowers, and the latter when traveUing 
in Italy in 1819 sent him a consignment of seeds. 

Any form of science interested Mettemich. He 
liked arranging dinner-parties of savants, however 
uncouth and unconventional, of aU nationalities, and 
Princess Melanie amusingly describes in her Diary 
the difficulty she sometimes found in entertaining 
these celebrities and conducting the conversation in 
sufficiently learned channels. Any new invention, 
any philosophical or scientific speculation, however 
grotesque, roused Mettemich's curiosity. He would 
be equally interested in reading an article in an 
English Review on the property possessed by the 
American ash of paralysing the vital powers and 
stupef3nng rattlesnakes, in visiting a steam engine 
recently brought over from England, or in discussing 
with the Austrian representative at Leipsic the theory 
of a distinction of sex in clouds. 

Whatever his opinions may have been of the position 
of the Church in the State, Metternich was a good 
Catholic and something of a theologian. His private 
relations with the Papacy were always friendly, and 
on two occasions at least he received a gift of relics 
for his private chapels from the occupant of the Papal 
Chair. Metternich used to have theological dis- 
cussions with Pozzo di Borgo, his old schoolfellow. 



CONCLUSION 329 

His great hero was St Paul, whose epistles he fre- 
quently read. So great was the Chancellor's admira- 
tion for this Apostle that he named one of his sons 
after him, contrary to the wishes of his wife. 

Metternich was genuinely delighted to hear of the 
emancipation of the Catholics in Great Britain, and 
described it as " an affair which will add a fresh flower 
to the glory of the reign." 

Metternich had a preference for serious literature 
dealing with history or science, and he usually made a 
point of reading Memoirs or Biographies dealing with 
his own contemporaries. Novels he seldom read, 
unless they were or seemed likely to become classics. 
He was well-versed in the poetical literature of all 
countries, and is said to have been able to recite from 
memory the whole of the fourth Canto of " Childe 
Harold." Of music and art he was an enthusiastic 
patron. He was instrumental in securing an Italian 
Opera Company for Vienna. He constantly bought 
pictures and sculptures, and these, added to the 
numerous presents which he was given by foreign 
Sovereigns, formed a veritable museum. He also 
had a good collection of prints. He was always ready 
to aid painters and sculptors who lacked recognition. 
He had one young painter of humble birth, Fulnich, 
educated at his own expense. He encouraged Blasius 
Hofer, the first woodcutter in Austria, to found his 
school at Wiener Neustadt. The landscape painter, 
Friedrich Gauermann, finding that his efforts to paint 
nature as he saw it only excited ridicule, begged 
Metternich to aid him. The Chancellor, recognizing 
his merit, insisted that the authorities should admit 
his pictures to the Academy. " The Academy," he 



330 METTERNICH 

wrote, " is not an institution for labour, which can 
forbid the teacher or pupil to obey his own genius." 

Metternich, as a rule, cannot be accused of being 
emotional or sentimental. Calmness in great crises — 
after the escape of Napoleon from Elba, or during the 
Vienna revolution of 1848 — was his characteristic. 
He was incapable of really deep feeling. He could not 
hate, which implies weakness, but it at least meant 
that he never bore a grudge and he would often go out 
of his way to heap coals of fire upon a vindictive 
opponent. Though he never forgot a kindness and 
was not ungrateful, his lack of deep affection rendered 
him sometimes very cold-blooded to his dearest friends. 
During his residence at Vienna, after his return from 
exile, his old flame, Princess Bagration, feeling that 
her end was near, paid a visit to Vienna from Paris in 
order to see the ex-Chancellor before she died. The 
Metternich family did their utmost to render pleasant 
the stay of this erstwhile beauty, who, though she 
looked like a mumm}^ adorned herself with roses as if 
she were a girl in her teens. Metternich had shown 
her every attention, and she went home quite happy 
at having seen her old love for what she knew would be 
the last time. Shortly afterwards she died. Metter- 
nich's family feared the effect which the news would 
have on the ex-Chancellor. But when someone broke 
it to him, his only remark was, "It is really wonderful 
to me that she has lived so long." 

Only towards his children did Metternich show a 
deep-seated affection. Like most parents he con- 
sidered them far superior to anybody else's children. 
" Victor is much liked here," he wrote from Vienna in 
1823, " he is thought extremely well-bred, which is a 



CONCLUSION 881 

great satisfaction to me. Certainly his good carriage 
and pleasant manners strike one in comparing him 
with the other young men here ; " and in 1826 he 
described Leontine as " very tall and very pretty," 
and prophesied that she would soon be " the belle of 
society." But Metternich was not only proud of his 
children. He was really fond of them, and enjoyed 
taking them to theatres, to dances, or for walks in the 
Prater. He used to regret that he rarely saw his family 
except at breakfast and dinner. Playing with his 
children formed a relaxation from the worries of office, 
and Princess Melanie describes her amusement at 
watching the Chancellor blowing soap bubbles with 
Gentz for the delectation of the little Richard. On 
the birthdays of their parents, the Metternich children 
always celebrated the occasion by reciting appropriate 
speeches in French or Italian. In his relations with 
his children Metternich allowed himself to unbend, as 
he rarely did to the world in general, though even here 
his bliss was cloudedlby the death of so many of his 
children in early youth, partly owing to hereditary 
weakness of the lungs, partly to unhealthy conditions 
at the Vienna mansion. 

In respect to the largeness of Metternich's family — 
by his three wives he had in all fourteen children — it 
is interesting to note that fertility was a characteristic 
of the Metternichs. Several of the Chancellor's 
ancestors had as many as twenty children, and early 
in the eighteenth century a certain Anna Metternich 
had a family of twenty-five, including twelve sons. 

For England, and for most Englishmen and English 
institutions, Metternich had the utmost contempt. 
To him England and France were to some extent 



332 METTERNICH 

similar. " France and England may be considered as 
having no government. The Ministers in these two 
countries only exist from day to day, and I share the 
opinion of all calm observers when I assert that neither 
of these administrations can maintain themselves." 
And again, " In London we find a movement and 
friction in intellectual life such as is found in few other 
great cities. In Paris one side is chiefly prominent, 
the more or less frivolous ; there they take everything 
lightly as if nothing were of importance ; the wind 
blows everything away." He comes to the conclusion 
that as a nation the English were inclined to lunacy : 
" What vexes me with these English is that they are all 
slightly mad ; this is an evU which must be patiently 
endured without noticing too much the ludicrous side 
of it." 

Of course there were exceptions. The real old- 
fashioned Tories were men after his own heart. Of 
Lord Hertford, for instance, whom he had met in Paris 
originally, he said, " I had not for many years met so 
independent, thoughtful and clever an Englishman. 
His words were like echoes of the past. ... I feel 
sure that he was as pleased with me as I with him." 
Wellington was his favourite. " I am very much 
pleased with Wellington," he wrote in 1824, " he is an 
excellent man. He has a true eye for affairs and puts 
fuU trust and confidence in one." Castlereagh also fell 
in with his views, and his death had been a great blow. 

He recognized that as a rule the peculiarity of the 
British Constitution provided an excuse for the vagaries 
of the British Government. He saw that allowance 
must be made " for the parliamentary exigencies of 
the British Cabinet." But the Whigs were Metter- 



CONCLUSION 333 

nich's bugbear. The English newspapers goaded him 
to fury. " Never will we give in to the theories of the 
' Times,' " he once remarked. Princess Melanie relates 
how she had read out to her husband some despatches 
from London, which contained cuttings from the 
" Times," and " Globe," containing " most insolent 
articles against Austria and the Emperor, which made 
Clement very angry." 

Metternich's aversion for Palmerston and his 
Cabinet was almost equally great. In a letter to 
Count Apponyi about the Belgian question in 1823, 
he wrote, " I know of none worse than those who 
compose the English Administration. Presumption 
and naivete, audacity and hesitation, form the dis- 
tinctive features of Lord Palmerston. Lord Grey is 
feeble and carries no weight. The rest of the Cabinet 
consists of Liberal politicians more or less incapable 
of seizing or following out a sound political idea, . . , 
And it is with an England in this state that Europe 
is compelled to act." Palmerston was well aware that 
Mettemich did not approve of him. He wrote to Lord 
Strangford, the English ambassador in Vienna, in 
November 1834, announcing his resignation thus : 
" We are out ! The Whigs have made way for their 
opponents, and the Duke of Wellington is entrusted 
with the formation of a Cabinet. Show this note at 
once to Prince Metternich, who will never have heard 
a better piece of news in his life than that he has got 
rid of me." 

After his residence as an exile in England, Metter- 
nich, whether from gratitude or conviction, became 
less critical of the country which had provided him 
with a refuge. 



334 METTERNICH 

Canning was Metternich's pet aversion. Metternich 
always maintained that England's interests were 
identical with those of Austria, but that Canning by his 
pohcy of isolation ruined all efforts at a good under- 
standing. After the Nauplia incident, he wrote to 
Gentz, " England has received a good lesson as the 
consequence of her system of isolation." No word was 
too bad for Canning, " the scourge of the world." 
Commenting on Canning's great speech of April 14th, 
1823, he wrote, " I really begin to lose the very small 
portion of respect I had obtained for the man. A fine 
century for this sort of man — for fools who pass for 
intellectual but are empty ; for moral weaklings who 
are always ready to threaten with their fists from a 
distance when the opportunity is good." By 1826 
he had given up Canning as quite hopeless — " Canning 
flies ; I walk ; he rises to a region where men dwell 
not, while I remain on the level of all things human." 

It is not surprising that British statesmen failed 
to find favour with Metternich. Although, during the 
struggle with Napoleon, Great Britain had proved a 
staunch ally of Austria, British policy after the Congress 
of Vienna nearly always ran counter to that of Austria, 
and it was the pohcy of Canning and of Palmerston 
which, to a great extent, brought about the failure of 
Metternich's endeavours to maintain the status quo 
in European politics. 

We may now pass on to examine Metternich's 
position as a statesman. 

Somehow Metternich has gone done to posterity as 
the practical exponent of Machiavellian principles in 
European politics. Was he not the author of the 
Carlsbad Decrees, which inaugurated an iniquitous 



CONCLUSION 885 

Police System in Germany by which Liberalism was 
stifled for nearly twenty years ? Did he not deliber- 
ately strive to blunt the national spirit of Italy, fill the 
dungeons of the Spielberg with Italian political 
prisoners, earn the bitter hostility of Mazzini, and 
call forth that poem of injured innocence, "II Mio 
Prigione " ? Did he not, moreover, during the long 
period of his predominance, use his influence and his 
power in support of that old regime of eighteenth 
century absolutism, which was every day becoming 
more obsolete and more undesirable in view of the 
growth of a popular and healthy desire for constitu- 
tional government ? 

Although much of this is true, Metternich does not 
deserve his sinister reputation. He has undoubtedly 
suffered from a lack of impartial biographers, and indeed 
of any English biographers at all. For, failing them, 
the facts of his career must be picked out from a 
History of Europe or a History of Austria. Hence 
the results or rather the landmarks of his policy are 
known, while the motives or circumstances which 
influenced his conduct and the details of the policy 
itself are usually passed by. Thus, he is held up to 
obloquy as the author of the Carlsbad Decrees, the 
opponent of Canning, and the foe of Italian patriotism, 
and the usual epithets applied to himself and his 
policy are " cynical," " malign " or " sinister." 

There are faults enough to be found in Metternich's 
character and policy, but to brand him a " blood and 
iron " statesman bent on promoting by fair means or 
foul the cause of reaction is utterly absurd. 

In order adequately to comprehend what Metternich's 
policy was, and why he was prompted to pursue it, 



336 METTERNICH 

it is necessary briefly to examine the circumstances of 
his birth and first years of office. For circumstances 
moulded Metternich's career perhaps more than that 
of any other statesman. 

First, let us remember that he was born in the 
eighteenth century, and that his parents were typical 
representatives of that age of absolutism, caste- 
worship, and artificiality. His family had gained wealth 
and position by holding posts under the Austrian 
Government. His father looked for his livelihood to 
the Emperor's favour and continuance in of&ce. 
Metternich was, so to speak, born a courtier ; it was 
necessary for his very existence that he should enter the 
service of the State and remain in it. 

It was inevitable, then, that Metternich, whether 
occupjdng a subordinate or a responsible post, should 
tend to cautious conservatism. He had been born 
into the old regime, and his position depended upon its 
maintenance. He would not be inclined to bold 
measures or to any measure that might raise opposition ; 
nor would he ever run counter to the wishes of his 
superiors. 

Thus the character of Francis had an important 
bearing upon Metternich's career. Metternich's early 
accession to high offtce and dependence upon the 
Emperor's favour for its tenure increased those instincts 
of the courtier which were innate in his character. 
In short, there is no doubt whatever that during his 
first years of power Metternich was the mouthpiece 
of Francis. 

It is true that towards the end of his reign Francis 
relied more and more upon Metternich, and that 
practically from 1815 he left foreign affairs entirely 



CONCLUSION 337 

in his Minister's hands. It was Metternich who was 
entrusted with the task of lecturing the Archdukes 
Ferdinand and Francis Charles on the principles of 
politics and diplomacy in January and February 1825. 
The brevity of Francis' answers to Metternich's 
dispatches and Memorandums show how thorough 
was the trust which he placed in his Chancellor, 

While Metternich's effusions were never brief and 
usually voluminous, typical replies from Francis are 
" Placet " or " Approved," perhaps with some such 
comment appended as " God grant that it may be 
according to your wishes." In fact, Metternich had 
become a necessity, and in November 1835, in a letter 
inquiring after the Minister's health, the Emperor 
expresses the hope that Metternich may be preserved 
to him, " for without you I do not know how to under- 
take anything." 

Metternich's Memoirs, too, would lead us to believe 
that Francis was merely a kindly, conscientious, easy- 
going monarch, guided solely by a desire for the 
prosperity of his subjects and by the advice of his 
Chancellor. Now there is no doubt that Francis was 
kind-hearted. There is the story of his seeing a poor 
man being carried to burial, accompanied only by a 
priest and the coffin-bearers, and promptly joining in 
the procession with his adjutant and throwing the 
first handfuls of earth over his remains. In short, 
Francis was a benevolent monarch and was undoubtedly 
regarded with affection by his people. But he was 
benevolent in the sense of the " benevolent despots " 
of the eighteenth century. Like Louis XIV. of France, 
he was the State, and in his own eyes the interests of 
Austria were bound up with his. What was done for 



338 METTERNICH 

the people must not be done by the people, but by 
him. Really Francis was a stern autocrat, as bigoted 
and as deeply steeped in the principle of Divine Right 
as any Tudor or Stuart. He therefore set himself 
against all change and determined that his dominions 
should be ruled as they had been ruled for centuries 
before. He was, consequently, imbued with a pro- 
found horror of the Revolution, and whenever, as in 
Italy, revolutionary movements had to be combated 
showed himself positively ruthless. 

Metternich's views so nearly coincided with those 
of Francis that it is unlikely that, even if he had been 
a man of strong and independent spirit, he would have 
come into conflict with his master. As it was, his 
weak and pliant nature yielded partly from conviction 
and partly from policy to the Emperor's wishes. He 
was content to imbibe the ideas of Francis and shape 
his policy on those lines. 

The chief effect of Francis' influence on Metternich 
was to infuse caution into Austrian foreign policy, 
to discourage attempts at internal reform and to 
enforce rigorous measures against Liberalism. 

If the Emperor Francis and Metternich were by 
temperament averse to change in domestic or foreign 
policy, the condition of the Austrian Empire seemed 
to afford ample justification for their view. The loose 
conglomeration of nations forming that Empire could 
only be held together by means of a strong centralized 
government, by a stern boycott of revolutionary 
influences from without, and by the avoidance of all 
sudden change. The sovereign might make innova- 
tions for the good of the people, but everything must 
be done for the people, not by the people. " Political 



CONCLUSION 389 

repose," wrote Metternich in reference to some reforms 
instituted in Prussia in 1818, " rests on the fraterniza- 
tion between monarchs and on the principle of main- 
taining that which is." Any shifting of political 
forces was dangerous, in the eyes of Metternich and 
his master, to the very existence of Austria, and, lest 
revolution in foreign countries should set a bad 
example to the Austrian dominions, Metternich put 
into force that principle of " Intervention " by means 
of the Holy Alliance, which ultimately received its 
death-blow from Canning. 

For the sake of Austria stability must be maintained, 
not only in Germany but in Europe at large. Foreign 
nations must not be suffered to set Austria a bad 
revolutionary example. As Metternich declared, 
" The principle of conservatism forms the basis of the 
internal and external policy of Austria." 

Having ascertained that the keynote of Metternich's 
policy was " stability," and that the adoption of that 
policy was due to natural conviction, the influence 
of Francis, and the apparent needs of Austria, we may 
now proceed to estimate Metternich's position as a 
statesman and the success or failure of his policy. 

It has been already remarked that the popular 
conception of Metternich does him injustice. The 
charge of cruelty, and the view that Metternich was a 
rabid reactionary, may be dismissed at once. His one 
aim was to preserve stability in European as well as 
in German politics, and he only came into violent 
collision with Liberalism because he mistook it for 
Revolution, which he had spent his best years in 
combating. The Liberals naturally came to loathe 
him, and exaggerated the severity of his methods, for 



340 METTERNICH 

in many cases the measures which he took to stifle 
Liberalism proved irritating rather than harsh in 
their working. 

' But Metternich was far from being the Machiavellian 
statesman which he has been depicted. He hated to 
see or cause suffering, and it is said that if he saw a fly 
drowning he would always rescue it. He constantly in- 
terceded with Francis for the Italian political prisoners 
confined in Austrian dungeons, and his police measures, 
even in Germany, though outwardly rigorous and 
unjust, in reality fell lightly upon the people compared 
with the exaggeration of his opponents. 

As for the inhabitants of the Austrian Empire, they 
were happier and more prosperous under Metternich's 
regime than ever before. Debarred from outside 
intercourse, they solaced themselves with the quiet 
acquisition of wealth, and even the Ruthenian peasants 
enjoyed a prosperity not great indeed but hitherto 
unparalleled. Metternich was capable of a broad- 
minded tolerance. When in 1825 Francis asked his 
advice as to the treatment of some Jesuits who, 
expelled from Italy, had taken refuge in Galicia and 
had been informed by the local authorities that they 
could not remain unless they modified their Statutes, 
Metternich, who loathed Jesuits as a class, replied that 
it would be best to leave them unmolested so long as 
they behaved themselves, since to modify their 
Statutes would merely destroy whatever value as an 
organization they might have. 

Thrusting aside the false Machiavellian portrait of 
Metternich, we come to the real defects of his policy. 

Metternich was no strong-minded statesman pushing 
forward a policy in spite of all obstacles. He was 



CONCLUSION 841 

essentially timid. He hated and feared opposition ; 
he never took the bull by the horns, and the least 
hindrance to a scheme caused him either to abandon 
it, or seek to attain his object another way. Hence 
his failure to carry out any reforms in Austria, even 
his darling project for the re-arrangement of the 
tariff ; hence his ill-success in inducing Francis to 
consent to a more lenient policy in Italy. Similarly, 
it was his hatred of strife and desire for peace at any 
price, which resulted in the crumbling of his system 
before the resolute opposition of Canning. 

Metternich avoided aU decisive measures ; he was 
lavish of promises, but slow to fulfil them, and if to 
gain his end it was necessary to conceal the truth he 
did so without a qualm. No man of great talents has 
ever been less sensible of his strength. 

Like most weak natures Metternich wished to convey 
an impression of strength. He gradually confined 
himself to a narrow circle of admirers, who agreed with 
all his views and flattered his vanity. He used his 
Memoirs to cloak his weakness in the eyes of posterity. 
Hence his otherwise inexplicable tendency to profess 
to have foretold events in cases where all the evidence 
goes to prove that at the time he took an opposite 
view ; hence, too, his not infrequent distortion of 
facts. He is always talking of principles and laughing 
at timid statesmen, oblivious of the fact that no one 
was less hampered by principles or fonder of the happy 
medium than himself. 

For partly owing to his inherent weakness of char- 
acter Metternich was singularly inconsistent. He 
has often been accused of opportunism ; and an 
opportimist he was. In a sense it is absurd to talk of a 



342 METTERNICH 

" Metternich System," for Metternich constantly 
shifted his policy to suit the needs of the moment. 
His timidity and opportunism were not uncriticized 
by his contemporaries. Napoleon said of him on one 
occasion that he mistook intrigue for statesmanship, 
and on another, " he approaches being a statesman, he 
lies very well " ; while Talleyrand, of all people, called 
him a politician de semaine. 

The truth is — and perhaps Napoleon and Talleyrand 
saw it — that Metternich was a very brilliant diplo- 
matist and a very moderate statesman. Even Fouche 
allowed that he possessed insight into character and 
knowledge of men, and his use of intrigue of every 
description was typical of eighteenth century 
diplomacy, which he represented. His knowledge of 
men enabled him to cajole the Czar at the Congress 
of Aix-la-Chapelle, and to maintain amicable relations 
with Napoleon, even when Austria and France were at 
war. The personal attractions, love of entertaining, 
and success in society, which gained him universal 
popularity, were essentially the attributes of a 
diplomatist. 

If he could judge character, he was also capable of 
summing up a situation. His reports and memo- 
randums, though conceited and voluminous, were 
always exhaustive and penetrating. He could judge 
the character of nations as well as of men. " The 
French play with Liberty," he once wrote ; " it is a 
more serious matter when the Germans add to 
enthusiasm perseverance." 

It is wrong to say that between 1815 and 1848, 
Metternich was the practical dictator of Europe, the 
successor of Napoleon. He never ruled the Cabinets ; 



CONCLUSION 343 

he cajoled them ; he was an adviser, an arbitrator. 
As he once told Capefigue in his conceited way, " I 
am to a certain extent the Confessor of all the Cabinets. 
I give absolution to those who have committed the 
fewest sins and I thus maintain peace in their souls." 

It was by cajolery that he induced the Powers to 
agree to the Carlsbad Decrees. He made the German 
Diet subservient to his will by manipulation not by 
force of character. It is noticeable that where he felt 
himself strong, as in Italy or Switzerland, he was firm 
in pushing forward his policy ; where he felt himself 
weak, as in Hungary, he yielded to opposition and 
ungracefully granted extraordinary concessions. 

His successes were the successes of a diplomatist. 
The Austrian Marriage Alliance with France was but 
a temporary expedient to give Austria time to recuper- 
ate ; it initiated no settled policy, and Prince 
Schwarzenberg not unjustly exclaimed to the Duke 
of Bassano, who had been enlarging on the happy 
results to be expected from the marriage, " Ah, le 
mariage, le mariage ! La politique I'a fait, mais. . , ." 

Perhaps Metternich's greatest achievement was 
steering Austria triumphantly through the period of 
1813-14. This taxed his abilities to the utmost and 
gave him an opportunity of displaying to the full 
his knowledge of men, his quick appreciation of situa- 
tions, and his aptitude for intrigue. But his policy 
during those years was a hand-to-mouth policy, and 
although he at length threw Austria into the scales 
against Napoleon with whole-hearted decision, it was 
only when he felt that there was no danger of failure. 
His achievements at the Congress of Vienna and at the 
Congresses which succeeded it were diplomatic achieve- 



344 METTERNICH 

ments. By threats and by persuasion he won over 
the Cabinets of Europe to his views, he was, so to 
speak, the Ambassador of Austria, and he served her 
ably. • 

But beyond the limits of the consummate diplomatist 
Metternich did not go. So long as the struggle with 
Napoleon continued, even while the settlement of 
Europe was being effected, his limitations were not 
apparent. He was almost uniformly successful up 
till the fall of Napoleon, and it was in great part due 
to his cautious, selfish, shifty policy, that that fall was 
brought about. 

But after the discomfiture of Napoleon there was 
need of statesmen and not of diplomatists. A new era 
had arisen, an era of Liberty and of Nationality. 
Domocracy had aided Monarchy to overthrow the 
Revolution, and demanded her reward, free speech, 
free Press, and a voice in affairs. Metternich granted 
none of these demands. Placed in a commanding 
position, with power to achieve whatever he wished, 
he entirely mistook the spirit of the new age in which 
it was his fate to live. Imbued with a deadly hatred 
of the French Revolution, he mistook agitation for 
what are now regarded as the rights of the people for 
Revolution and strenuously combated it. He con- 
demned the Liberal enthusiasm which was inextric- 
ably mingled with the patriotic spirit which inspired 
the war of Liberation in Germany. Bent on the 
preservation of the Austrian Empire, and not less on 
his own maintenance in office, and encouraged in this 
aim by the autocratic pride of Francis, he sought 
everywhere to keep things as they were. The people 
must be governed and not govern. " If civil liberty is 



CONCLUSION 345 

necessary to all, political liberty is only desirable for 
a few," he once remarked. He thought he was some 
Horatius defending the bridge of eighteenth century 
political regime against the overwhelming forces of 
new-fangled Liberalism, a heroic champion of all that 
was traditional and venerable and good. Really he 
was an obstacle to progress, hopelessly out of date. 
His one aim was stability, when movement was a key- 
note of the age. Sometimes he felt the pathos of his 
position. " If I had been fifty years old fifty years 
ago," he once said, " I should have been a more 
imposing figure than I am now." 

Even if he had been consistently opportunist as in 
the days of the Napoleonic struggle, all might have 
been well ; but he was not. He unconsciously moulded 
temporary measures for combating the more harmful 
attributes of Liberalism in Germany and elsewhere, 
into a repressive system. Even when he clearly saw 
the necessity for reform he suffered himself to be over- 
ruled, and yet yielded as in Hungary when he felt 
that he was weak. He is, therefore, open to blame, 
sometimes for his weakness, sometimes for unreason- 
able severity. What was needed after 1815 was a 
man like Bismarck, who would lead public opinion 
and fearlessly voice public aspirations. Sudden 
innovations, rash reforms, revolutionary uprooting 
of old traditions were not required. A very little 
would have sufficed to satisfy the demands of that 
Liberal and patriotic spirit which had helped so largely 
to free Europe from Napoleon, and which was not in 
itself disloyal to Monarchy. But a statesman was 
required who could comprehend the tendency of the 
age ; and Metternich failed to supply the want. He 



346 METTERNICH 

was too much of a courtier to sacrifice himself to a 
great idea, too httle of a statesman ever to form one. 

The result was that in his misguided efforts to 
save the absolutist system, Metternich merely brought 
it into collision with that Liberalism, which repre- 
sented all that was best of intellectual Europe. If he 
had been correct in regarding himself as the one prop 
of a system which alone could save the nations of 
Europe from hopeless decadence, his policy would 
have been admirable. For he did succeed in stifling 
Liberalism in Germany and in the Austrian Empire 
during the period of his predominance. He made 
Vienna the hub of European politics. He preserved 
the unity of Austria at a time of unrest and upheaval, 
and it has been remarked, not without reason, that 
" when Austria shall have survived half a century of 
constitutional experiment under the Dual Monarchy, 
it wiU be time for Austrians to condemn him." 

But the fact remains that he was so aloof from the 
personalities and ideas of his time, that he made no 
lasting impression on them. It might have been 
expected that during the thirty years of his power he 
would have trained a school of politicians in Austria 
who would have carried on his ideas and his work. 
Yet after his fall his successors threw his policy to the 
winds. He failed to stamp his wiU on his contem- 
poraries. Not unlike Wolsey, he was content with 
showy diplomatic triumphs, which momentarily 
raised the prestige of himself and his country. But 
that was aU. He left nothing behind him, and after 
his fall that which has falsely been called his " system " 
dissolved, leaving no trace. 

Somehow Metternich leaves a bad taste in the mouth. 



CONCLUSION 347 

Attractive, talented, and always socially successful, 
he nevertheless gives the impression of always posing 
for effect or pleasing for an object. He was painfully 
self-complacent. He was a strange mixture of 
domestic affection and domestic infidelity, of apparent 
strength and real weakness, of firm principle and gross 
inconsistency. He is, in fact, an admirable illustration 
of what is meant when it is said that the eighteenth 
century was the age of artificiality. To the end, 
Metternich was a type of the eighteenth century, 
when love, complexions, wigs, politics, diplomacy, and 
war were essentially artificial. He intermingled 
politics with pleasure, concerts with conferences, 
women with work. Metternich came first, the Haps- 
burg Dynasty next, the Austrian Empire last. 

If his private character, though in its details often 
attractive, on the whole repels us, so does his political 
career. No one disputes his abilities as a diplomatist ; 
if he had died in 1816, there would be little but praise 
to bestow upon him. But, born a diplomatist and 
living on into a period when statesmen above all were 
wanted, he refused to be a statesman. He never 
sought to feel the pulse of universal tendencies. 
Instead of seeking to adapt the Constitution of Austria 
to modern needs, he sought only by isolation to prop 
up the Hapsburg Dynasty, on which depended the 
fortunes of the Metternich family. Though he dimly 
saw the necessity that Austria should lead German 
public opinion, his policy separated her from it, and 
paved the way for that political schism in 1866 which 
gave to Prussia the predominance in Germany. 



PRINCE CLEMENT METTERNICH'S 
FAMILY 

Children by Princess Eleonora Kaunitz, married September 2^th, 
1795, died March igth, 1825 

(i) Marie, b. 1797, m. Count Joseph Esterhazy, d. 1820. 

(2) Francis, b. 1798, d. 1799. 

(3) Clement, b. 1799, d- ^799 

(4) Victor, b. 1803, d. 1828. 

(5) Clementine, b. 1804, d. 1820. 

(6) Leontine, b, i8ii, m. Count John Sandor, d. 1861. 

(7) Joseph, b. 1814, d. 182- (?). 

(8) Hermione, b. 1815, d. 1890. 

Children by Maria Antonia Leykam, married November 5th, 1827 

(9) Richard, b. 1829, m. Countess Pauline Sandor 1856, 

d. 1895. 

Children by Countess Melanie Zichy Ferraris, January ^oth, 1831 

(10) Melanie, b. 1832, m. Count Joseph Zichy 1853. 

(11) Clement, b. 1838, d. 1838. 

(12) Paul, b. 1834, ra. Countess Melanie Zichy Ferraris, d. 1906. 

(13) Marie, b. 1836, d. 1836, 

(14) Lothar, b. 1837, m. Caroline Renter, d. 1904. 



348 



INDEX 



Academy of Fine Arts, Curator- 
ship of, 79 

Acs, 6 1 

Act of Confederation (German Con- 
stitution), 135, 137, 138, 158 

Adrianople, Peace of, 208 

Aix-la-Chapelle, Congress of, 135, 
145, 146, 149, 152-4, 161 n. 
I, 212, 342 

Albert, Archduke, 298 

Alexander I., Emperor of Russia, 
39, 40, 41, 42, 44, 56, 57, 
59, 92, loi, 102, 104, 105-6, 
107-8, no, 1 12-4, 116, 117, 
120, 122, 125, 127-9, i3o> 
132, 145, 149, 150, 152-3, 
156, I57j 172 et seq., 180, 
182, 183, 189, 195, 196, 212, 
217, 342 

Ali Pasha, of Janina, 185 

Alopeus, 37, 39 

Altenburg, 64, loi 

Ammonsgrau, 7-8 

Amsterdam, 28 

Ancillon, 229 

Ancona, 235 

Anspach, 40 

Antony, Archduke, 168 

Apponyi, Count, 206, 234, 235, 239, 
245, 290, 316, 333 

Arndt, Father, 136, 148 

Arnheim, 304, 305 

Aschaffenburg, 201 

Aspern, battle of, 60, 63 

Aulic Council, Vienna, 176, 249, 
25 s 

AusterHtz, 28, 29 
battle of, 41, 50 

Austria, 9, 13, 14, 82, 97, 116, 117, 
118, 122 et seq., 130 et seq., 
216, 218, 228, 229, 236, 245, 
247 



Austria, Lower, 292, 293, 294 
Austrian Observer, the, 116 
Austro-French Treaty (of March 12, 

1812), 82, 91 
Austro-Russian alliance, proposed, 

79 

Baden, no, 140, 141, 143, 162, 
180, 186, 224, 228 

succession, 153 
Bagration, Princess, 34, 36, 113, 

325. 330 
Balkan peninsula, 56, 182 
Barere, 48-9 
Basle, 104 

Bassano, Duke of, 93, 96, 343 
Bautzen, battle of, 90, 92, 93 
Bavaria, 88, 143, 191, 220, 221, 
228, 266, 267 

Elector of, 6 

first king of, see Zweibriicken 

King of, 118, 138, 159, 201 
Baylen, Capitulation of, 53 
Bayonne, 57 
Beilstein, Countess of, see Leykam, 

Antonia von 
Beilstein, lordship of, 7 
Belgian affairs, 218, 228-9, 242 

independence, 229 
Bellegarde, Count, 6^, 253 
Beriot, 311 

Berlin, 31, 35, 37, 103 
Bernadotte, Marshal, 78 
Bernsdorff, Count, 139 
Berthier, Marshal, 46, 96 
Binder, Baron, 116 
Bliicher, Field-Marshal, lOl, 102, 

105, no, 124 
Bohemia, 7, 28, 33, 211 
Bologna, 164, 165, 170, 235 
Bonaparte, Caroline, see Murat 
Bonapartists, 207, 212, 230-1 
340 



350 



METTERNICH 



Bonn, 4 

Borghese, Princess Pauline, 232 
Borgo, Pozzo di, 32, 207, 328 
Bourbon restoration, 106, 107, 109 
Brandenburg, 3 
Brighton, 308-9 
Brougham, Lord, 311 
Brunswick, Duchy, 220, 221 
Brunswick, Charles, Grand Duke 

of, 141, 220 
Brunswick, Charles, Duke of, 220 
Brussels, 23, 310 et seq. 

University of, 24 
Bubna, Count, 64, 85, 86, 92 
Bukowina, 189 
Buol, Count, 36, 135, 314-5 
Burke, Edmund, 26 

Cambaceres, 69 

Cambridge, Duke and Duchess of, 

307, 3" 
Campbell, Commissary, 120 
Canning, George, 144, 187, 193, 

197-8, 199, 200, 206, 207, 

248, 334, 335, 339, 340 
Canning, Sir Stratford, 191 
Capodistrias, 182, 183 
Carbonari, the, 170, 236 
Carignano, Prince of, 207 
Carignano, Princess of, 161 
Carlsbad, 161 

Conference, 135, 146, 157 -9> 

162, 163 
Decrees, 143, 162, 163, 216, 247, 

334-5. 343 

Carrara, 168 

Castlereagh, Viscount (Earl of Lon- 
donderry), 45, 87, loi, 117, 
128, 174, 184, 185, 187, 332 

Castlereagh, Viscountess, 72, 150, 

151 
Catherine, Grand-duchess (Russia), 

93 

Catholic League of 1609., 5 
Catalini, Madame, 146 
Caulaincourt, 105, 106 
Censors of the Press, Vienna, 263-4 
Central Administration in Austria, 

269 
Chalons-sur-Marne, 60 
Champagny, 54, 55, 59, 60, 64 
Charlemagne, 150 



Charles, Archduke, 58, 62, 63, 83 
Charles Albert, Prince of Carignano, 

Regent of Piedmont, 175, 

236, 237 
Charles Felix, Eang of Piedmont, 

Charles of Lorraine, Prince, 9 

Charles X., King of France, 193, 
194, 198, 207, 212, 213, 214 

Chartist march, the, 307 

Chateaubriand, Marquis de, 152 

Chatillon, Congress of, 103, 105, 
106 

Chaumont, Treaty of, 127 

Circles, Captains of, 191 

Coalition, the Third, 44 

Cobenzl, Philip, Count, 18, 37, 38, 
42, 44 

Coblentz, 8, 10, 24, 149, 201 

Codrington, Admiral, 206 

Collin, 231 

CoUoredo, 38, 62, 311 

Cologne, 2, 3, 4, 150 

Bishop and burghers of, 3 

Colonial Preference, parallel to, 265 

Comedie Francaise, 48 

Commissioners of the French Con- 
vention, 24 

Compiegne, 74 

Concert of Europe, 128, 132, 134, 
178 

Confalonieri, Count Federigo, 176, 
177 

Confederation of the Rhine, 47, 54, 
82, 88 

Conspirators, measures against, 

141, 143 
Constance, Lake of, Castle on, 

161 
Constant, Benjamin, 18 
Constantine, Grand Duke, 196 
Constantinople, 183, 191, 203, 208, 

211, 239 
Constitution of Austria, 2/^%etseq. 

of Hungary > 280-1 
Cook, Captain Thomas, 23 
Council of State, Austria, 249, 251 

of Ten (France), 20 
Counts of the Westphalian College, 

7, 29 
Courland, Countess of, 34 
Cowes, 26 



INDEX 



351 



Cracow, 244 

Czartoryska, Princess Adam, 34 

Danzig, 81 

Danubian principalities, 180, 182 
Dardanelles, the, 240 
Dauphin, the (1824), 213 
Davoust, Marshal, 46 
Declaration of, March 31, 1812., 107 
of the Powers to the French 

people, 100 
Denbigh, Earl of, 306 
Denmark, Prince and Princess of, 

149 
Diet, German, 134-8, 141, 143-4, 

151, 157-60, 162, 216, 227, 

247, 343 
Hungarian, 280, 281, 284 et seq,, 

286 et seq. 
Dietrichstein, 231 
Dijon, 106-7, 108-9 
Disraeli, Benjamin, 308 
Dover, 311 
Dresden, 33 et seq., 83, 91, 93, 94, 

100, III, 304, 317 
Dumouriez, General, 25 
Dunkirk, 27 
Dupont, General, 53 

Eastern Question, the, 141, iho et 

seq., 193, 194, 208, 239 
Eaton Square, No. 44. , 306 et seq. 
Eger, 7 

Egypt, 240 et seq. 
Elba, 108, 117, 1 19-21, 330 
Elliot, Sir Hugh, 35 
Emigres, 10, 22 
England {see also Great Britain), 54j 

55, no, 303 et seq., 317, 

331-2 
Erfurt, Congress at, 56-7, 59 
Essler, Fanny, 232 
Esterhazy, Count Joseph, 113 «. I, 

162 «. I 
Esterhazy, Prince Paul Anton, 23, 

206, 219, 319 

Fain's "Memoirs," 324 

Federal Act, see Act of Confedera- 
tion 

Feldsberg, 301, 302 

Ferdinand, Archduke of Wiirtem- 
berg, 205 



Ferdinand H., Emperor, 5, 177, 
196, 256 et seq., 275, 277, 
284-7, 289, 290, 294, 295, 

297. 299, 337 
Ferdinand, King of Naples, 168, 

171, 172, 204 n. I 
Ferdinand VH., King of Spain, 

184, 187 
Fergusson, 310 
Ferrara, 164, 165, 235, 238 
Feudalism in Austria, 248 
Fiesole, 166 

Finance, Austrian, 252, 253 
Fiquelmont, Count, 230 
Fleuras, battle of, 9 
Florence, 146, 154, 164, 165, 
166 
Canons of, 6 
Fontainebleau, Forest of, 47, 48 

Treaty of, 51 
Foresti, 231 
Foster, George, 21-2 
Fouche, 49-50, 52, 53, 59, 60, 121, 

342 
Four Ordinances, the, 214 
Fox, Charles James, 12, 26 
France, 46-7, 83-4, 102 et seq., 105, 

117, 122, 153, 178, 212 et 

seq., 229, 240, 241, 244, 

331-2 
Francis Joseph, Emperor of 

Austria) 260, 261, 267, 277, 

293. 3io> 313. 314 
Francis Charles, Archduke, 337 
Francis II., Emperor, 2, 23, 44-5, 
55, 58, 61, 64, 67, 68, 70, 71, 
73 et seq , 89, 90, 92, 93, 97, 
100, 104-5, 106-7, 108-9, 
no, 114, 116-8, 127, 130, 

133, 134, 137, 145, 149, 150, 
154, 156, 157, 163, 167, 171, 
183, 186, 190, 192, 194, 199, 
203-5, 213, 219, 224-7, 
230-2, 249, 255-6, 261-2, 
264-6, 269, 274, 277, 281-2, 
290, 323> 336-8, 340 

Frankfurt, 21, 22, 23, loi, 105, 
151, 201, 202, 304 

Franzenbad, 147 

Frederick the Great, 14, 279 

Frederick William II., King of 
Prussia, 24, 35, 38 



352 



METTERNICH 



Frederick William III., 40, loi, 
no, 114, 127, 128, 141, 
144-5, 150, 156, 157, 219, 
225 

Frederick William IV., 227-8, 271, 

273. 313 
French invasion of Spain (1822), 
187 
Revolution (the), 9, 10, 16, 19, 
22, 23, 34, 47, 144, 149, 338, 

344 
in 1830 and 1848., 144. 213-4, 

216, 227, 233 ei seg., 243, 

247, 275 et seq., 290-1 
Furstenberg, Prince and Princess, 

188 
Fustet, fencing-master, 19 

Galicia, 78, 85, 189, 191, 289, 

340 
Eastern, 123 
Gallo, Duke of, 1 74 
Gauermann, Friedrich, 329 
Geneva Convention, 128 
Genoa, 170 

Gentz, Frederick, 36, 92, 114-6, 127, 

140, 170, 188, 194, 195. 211, 

216, 231, 232, 23s, 276, 285, 

324, 327, 328, 331, 334 

George III., King of England, 25, 

184, 290 
George IV., 25-6, 141, 151 
Germany, 116, 119, 123, 247 

Confederation of, 119, 123-4, 135, 
137, 138, 151. 157. 158, 
159 
Hegemony of, 221 
Liberalism in, 12, 13, 163, 164, 
216, 220, 226-7, 243, 273 
et passim 
Protestant princes of, 5 
Revolution in, 156, 184 et seq., 

228 
Unity of, 131, 134 
Universities of, 137, 157 
Gervinus, 274 
Gitschin, 92-3 
Gneisenau, 104 
Goethe, W. A., 146 
Goertz, 34 
Gorres, 119, 136 
Graham, Sir James, 236 



Great Britain {see also England), 
117, 122, 159, 178, 181, 184, 
188, 190, 195, 197, 199, 206, 
207, 216, 218, 229, 239, 240, 
242-3, 244, 317 

Greece, Independence of, 208 

Greek Revolution and the Greek 
Question, 180 et seq,, 195, 
196, 215, 239, 245 

Gregory XVI., Pope, 234, 237 

Grey, Earl, 26 

Grossbeeren, battle of, 99 

Griinberg, 60 

Guizot, 309 

Hague, the, 25, 27, 28, 305 
Hanover, 184, 185, 304 

King of, 227 
Hanseatic towns, 86 
Hardenberg, 38, 39, 41, 85, 138, 

145 
Hartig, Count von, 267, 268, 297 
Hastings, Warren, 26 
Haugwitz, 38, 40, 41 
Hayti, Queen of, 211 
Heidelberg, 6, 124 
Helvoetsluys, 27 
Hemmerich or Hemberg family, 

2, 3 

Henry IV., King of France, 5 

Hertford, Marquis of, 201, 332 

Hesse-Cassel, 228 

Hesse-Darmstadt, 142, 228, 265 

Hesse, Elector of, 137 

Hesse, Electoral, 265 

Hetzendorf, 204, 205 

Hofer, Blasius, 329 

Hofmann, Professor, 22 

Holland, 218, 304 
King of, 219 
Queen of, 304-5 

Holy Alliance, the, 127, 130, 132, 
138, 140, 143, 153,171, 173, 
196, 198, 200, 203, 212, 218, 
219, 229, 243, 245, 339 

Holy Roman Empire, 131, 133, 134 

Hormayr, 204 n. I 

Howe, Admiral Lord, 26 

Hiibner, Alexander von, 318 

Hudelist, State-Councillor, 80, 84 
99, 100, 107, 116 

Hiigel, Baron Clement, 221, 222, 307 



INDEX 



353 



Hundred Days, the, I2i 
Hungary, 200, 201, 248, 249, 
266, 267, 279 
Diet of, 280, 281, 284, 286 et seq 
Hypsilanti, Prince, 180-1 

Ib.iahim Pasha, 203, 239 
lUyria, 75, 78, 82, 86, 87 
Illyrism, 288 
Imperial Rescripts, rule by, in 

Hungary, 281 
Inn, river, 86 
Innsbruck, 156, 186 
Intervention, principle of, 339 
Isabey, 112 
Ischl, 192 
Isle of Wight, 26 
Isonzo, the, 51 
Italian campaign (1859), 319 
Political prisoners, 177, 258, 335, 

340 
Italy, 116, 118, 154, 164 et seq., 168 

etseq., 234, 235, 243, 273 

Jacobins, 20 
Jaeger, Dr, 167, 319 
Jemappes, battle of, 9 
Jena, battle of, 47, 51 
Jesuits, the, 3, 246, 277, 340 
Johannisberg, 123, 147-9, i84» i89j 

201, 202, 241, 266, 267, 312, 

313, 325, 327, 328 
John, Archduke, 277, 295, 299 
John VI,, King of Portugal, 199 
Jomini, 104 
Joseph II., Emperor, 13, 270, 277, 

281 
Josephine, Empress, 30, 60 

Kageneck, Countess von, see 
Metternich, Princess Francis 
George 

Kalisch, Treaty of, 88 

Katzbach, battle of, 99 

Kaunitz, Prince, 9, 14, 22, 28, 29, 

245. 254 

Kaunitz- Rietberg, Princess, see 
Metternich, Princess Clem- 
entine 
Prince Ernest von, 28 

Koch, Professor, x^ et seq. 

Kohary, Count, 284 



Kolowrat, Count, 258-61, 267, 268, 

275, 276 
Komorn, 63 

Konigsberg, Bohemia, 7 
Konigswart, 10, 17, 28, 146, 147, 

158-9, 161, 162, 201, 211 

224, 313, 325, 327 
Kossuth, 286 et seq., 292, 299 
Kotzebue, 23, 31, 153, 155, 156 
Kranzplatz, Coblenz, 6 
Kiibeck, von, 267, 268, 276 
Kulm, battle of, 99, 225 

Laeken, 312 

Lafayette, Marquis de, 48 

Laforest, 37, 44 

Lagoscuro, 165 

La Harpe, 104, 170 

Laibach, Congress of, 174, 178, 

179, 182 
Lamartine's Manifesto, 292 
Landstrasse, villa on the, 316 
Landwehr, the, 53 
Langres, Conference at, 103, 104, 

105 
Language question, Hungary, 283-4 
Lawrence, Sir Thomas, 112, 151, 

161 n.l 
Lebzeltern, Count, 93 
Leghorn, 164, 167 
Legitimacy, 47, 216, 219 
Leipsic, 99, 304 

battle of, 73, 80, 100, 103 
Lemberg, 189-91 
Leo IX., Pope, 211 
Leopold, Archduke, 238 
Leopold L, King of the Belgians, 

310, 312 
Leopold II., Emperor, 21, 23, 32, 

33 
Leopoldene, Archduchess, 164-7 
Leuchtenberg, Duke of, 316 
Levant trade, Austrian, 195 
Leykam, Ambrosius von, 204 n. i 
Leykam, Antonia von, see Metter- 
nich, Princess Clement (2) 
Liechtenstein, John, Prince of, 6},^ 

64, 65, 188 
Liechtenstein, Prince Charles, 301 
Liege, 8 

Lieven, Count, 186 
Lieven, Prince, 308 



354 



METTERNICH 



Lieven, Princess, 152. 308, 309 

Ligne, Prince de, 32, iii, 112, 113 

Linz, 313 

Lisbon, 199, 200 

Lombard, 38 

Lombardo - Venetian territories, 

Austrian rulers of, 169, 174 
Lombardy, 175, 176, 236, 267 
London, 25, 35, 305 et seq., 332 
London Bridge, 307 
London, Conference in, 202-3 
London, Treaty of, 203 
Louis, Archduke, 259, 260, 261, 

267, 272, 275, 277, 293-8, 

300 
Louis Ferdinand, Prince, 39 
Louis XVI., King of France, 112 
Louis XVIIL, 109, 121, 212, 214, 

215, 216, 219, 229, 243, 291 
Louise of Mecklenburg, Queen of 

Prussia, 22, 37, 39, 114 
Lucca, 166, 167 
Luneville, Peace of, 33 
Lutzen, battle of, 90, 93 

Macaulay, Lord, 308 
Magyar language, 283, 286, 287 

Young Conservative Party, 287 
Magyars, the, 218, 267,279,281,283 
Mailath, Count, 290 
Mainz, 4, 141, 149 

Central Investigation Committee 

at, 141, 143, 144 
Elector of, 24 
Lothar Friedrich Metternich, 

Elector of, 6 
See of, Hereditary Chamberlain- 
ship of, 7 
University of, 22, 23 
Manin, 238 

Marcolini Palace, Dresden, 94, 317 
Maremgrau, 8 

Maria, Queen of Portugal, 199 
Maria Theresa, Empress, 245, 249, 
279 
Order of, 79-80, 308 
Marie Antoinette, Queen of 

France, 25 
Marie Louise, Archduchess and 
Empress, 69, 70-4, 76-7, 86, 
100, 105, n8, 123, 167, i68, 
177, 213, 232 



Marienbad, l6l, 201, 211 
Marmont, 160, 327 
Marseilles, 194 
Mauny, Abbe, 24 
Maximilian, Archduke, 298 
Mazzini, 235, 236 
Mecklenburg, Duke of, 311 
Mehemet Ali Pasha, 238 et seq., 

240-3 
Metternich family : — 

Carl von, 6 

Count, Bishop of Paderborn and 
of Miinster, 7 

Count Francis Ferdinand, 7 

Count John Hugo Francis, 8 

Count Lothar Friedrich, Bishop 
of Spier and Worms, Elector 
of Mainz, 6 

Count Philip Adolf, 7 

Count Philip Emmerich, Heredi- 
tary Chamberlain of Mainz, 7 

Countess Pauline, 8, n 

Dietrich von, 3 

Henry von. Colonel, Governor 
of Heidelberg, 6 

John Reinhardt von, Saxon Am- 
bassador to Tilly, 6 

Lothar von. Elector of Trier, 4-6 

Prince Clement Wencelas Nepo- 
muk Lothair, subject of 
Memoir, 8, 9, 10, 11, 17 
et passim 

Prince Francis George, 8 et seq. , 
17, 20-1, 23, 28, 30, 31, 37, 
60, 78, 147, 336 

Prince Joseph, 8, 11, 17 

Prince Lothar, 319, 321, 348 

Prince Paul, 319, 321, 329, 348 

Prince Richard Clement Joseph 
Lothair, 205, 305-7, 312, 
314, 319, 321, 331. 348 

Prince Victor, 115, 1S6, 193, 194, 
200, 202, 203, 205, 209-12, 
330-1, 348 

Princess Clement ( i ), n^e Eleonora 
Kaunitz-Reitberg, 28, 32, 
69,71. 73. 94, "O, 147, 151, 
15s, 156, 161, 162,165, 167, 
192, 193, 198, 325, 348 

Princess Clement (2), nie Anto- 
nia von Leykam, 204 & «. i, 
205, 206, 221, 306, 325, 348 



INDEX 



355 



Metternich family (contd.) : — 
Princess Clement (3), n<fe Melanie 

Zichy Ferraris, 221 e( seq., 

234-5. 25s, 257, 301, 304, 

306, 307, 308-9, 312, 313, 

316, 325-6, 327, 329, 331, 

332, 348 
Princess Clementine, 151, 161 

&«. I, 189, 348 
Princess Francis George, nee 

Countess von Kageneck, 8, 

10, 17, 147, 162, i8o, 204, 

205, 324, 348 
Princess Hermione, 319, 324, 348 
Princess Leontine, 210, 211, 331, 

348 
Princess Marie, 94&M. i, 99, 

100, 109, 113, 124, 162, 

180, 348 
Princess Melanie, 115, 189, 224, 

305-6, 307, 348 
Sibilla, 3 

William von, Burggraff of Eger, 7 
Metternich, name, origin of, i, 2 
Metternich Palace, Coblenz, 6, 9, 

17, 149 
Metternich, town, 2, 3 
" Metternich's System," 131 ei? seq., 

164, 187, 197 et seq., 215, 

216, 235 et seq., 243, 251, 

289, 315, 342 
Michael, Grand Duke, 170 
Milan, 194, 319 
Miltigau, 10 

Mirabeau, Vicomte de, 24 
Modena, 167, 233 
Moira, Lord, 194 
Moniteur, the, 42, 66, 263 
Moore, Sir John, 58 
Moravia, 191 
Moreau, 10 1 
Moselle, the, 149 
Miiller, Adam, 36 
Miiller, John, 23 
Munchengratz, 220, 225, 226, 

240, 244 
Munkacz, 258 
Miinster, Bishropic of, 7 
Murat, Caroline Bonaparte, Queen 

of Naples, 45, 52, 325 
Murat, Marshal, King of Naples, 

30,45, 118, 168 



Naples {see also P'erdinand and 
Murat), 155, 169, 171, 174, 
175, 182, 210, 238 

Napoleon I., 18, 19, 20, 30, 32, 
40-2, 45-7, 49-61, 64, 65, 67, 
68, 69 ei seq., 75, 77-9, 81 et 
seq., 83-4, 88 et seq., 97, 
106, 147, 231, 290, 293, 309, 

324> 330 
Napoleon III., 319 
Narbonne, 18, 87, 88 et seq., 97 
National Debt, Austria, 252 
Navarino, battle of, 204-7 
Near East, Austrian politics in, 

67 
Nesselrode, Count, 93, 108, 190, 

220 
Nesselrode, Madame de, 151 
Netherlands {see also Holland), 8, 

9, 219 
Spanish, 218 
Neufchatel, 3 
Neumann, 195, 240, 308 
Neutitschein, 191, 192 
Ney, Marshal, 73 
Nice, 194 
Nicholas I., Emperor of Russia, 

124, 125, 154, 159, 196, 199, 

207, 213, 215, 225-6, 228, 

232, 240, 244, 263, 326, 342, 

344. 345 
Novara, battle of, 176 
Nugent, Count, 63 
Nussdorf, 313 

Oberaus, 231 

Ochshausen, Abbey and Principality 

of, Suabia, lo, 37 
Oldenzart, 304 
Olmiitz, 302 
Opocno, 93 

Orleans, Duchess of, 193 
Orange, Prince and Princess of, 305 
Orloff, Count, 214, 327 
Osnabriick, 304 
Ostend, 311 

Otranto, Duke of, see Fouche 
Ottenfels, 196, 203 
Otto, Count, 69, 178 
Otto, Prince, 86, 87 
Otto, King of Greece, 245 
Oxford, no, 306 



356 



METTERNICH 



Padua, 164 

Palmerston, Henry John Temple, 
3rd Viscount, 238, 242, 244, 

246, 333, 334 

Papacy, the, 93 

Papal Dominions, 75, 233, 234 

Paris, 44 et seg., 67, 107, 109, 124, 
1^2-zetseq., 213, 332 

Paris, Peace of, loi, 1 10 

Paris, Treaty of, 121 

Parma, 123, 167, 233 

Parma, Charles Louis, Prince of, 1 18 

Pedrello, Antonia, 204 & «. I 

Pelham, 12 

Pssti Hislap, the, 287 

Peter the Great, 183 

Piacenza, 118, 123 

Piedmont, 175, 176, 182, 236, 238 

Pilat, Joseph, 36, 116, 263, 276 

Pisa, 166 

Pitt, William, 12, 26 

Pius VII., Pope, 75. 93> 168 

Pius VIII., Pope, 233 

Pius IX., Pope, 237, 238 

Plass, 200, 211, 321 

Pleiswitz, armistice of, 93,95, 96 

Poland and the Poles, 82, loi, 104, 
116, 119, 122-3, 189-91? 217 
et seq., 244, 245, 285, 289 

Polignac, Marquis de, 213 

Poniatowski corps, the, 88, 90, 91 

Portugal, 171, 199 
Crown Prince of, 164 

Potsdam, 35, 40 

Prague, 159, 161, 226, 303 
Congress of, 92, 96, 97, loi 

Press, the, 42, 136, 157, 172, 214, 
262, 263, 274 

Pressburg, 281 

Pressburg, Peace of, 41, 43 

Prussia {see also Frederick the Great, 
&c.), 3>4,82, 103, 116, 117, 
i33> 135. 144 «^f«?-) 221,247, 
271-2, 347 
Crown Prince of, 225 
Diets of, 228 
Zollverein of, 247, 265 et seq., 288 

Quadruple Alliance, 156, 212 

Radetzky, Count, 116 
Rainer, Archduke, 161, 168 



Ranke, 274 

Rastadt, Congress of, 9, 29-31 

Recamier, Madame, 152 

Reforms in Austria, 253-5, 258-9, 
260, 261, 2^0 et seq., 316 

Regentsburg, 3 

Reichenbach, Treaty of, 93, 99 

Reichstadt, Duke of (King of Rome, 
q.v.), 207, 213, 215, 230-2 

Reichstag, the, 33 

Rennweg, villa on the, 160, 300 

Revolution, the, of March, in 
Austria (1848), 277, 278 

Revolutionary outbreaks {see also 
French Revolution), 171, 
214-7 
Tribunal, 20 

Rewitzki, 284 

Rhenish districts, Metternich pro- 
perties in (see also Johannis- 
berg), 2, 3, 6-10, 28, 37, 75 

Rhine, river, 4, 101-2, 148-9, 150 

Richelieu, Duke of, 212 

Richmond, Surrey, 309 

Ridolfi, Cosimo, 238 

Robespierre, Maximilien, 22, 49 

Roland, Archduke, 293 

Rome, 75, 154, 155, 209, 210 

Rome, King of {see also Reichstadt), 
74, 86, 106, 118, 121, 123 

Rotterdam, 305 

Rudolph II., Emperor, 5 

Russia, 77, 78, 79, 81, 104, 116, 
122, 127, 178, 181 et seq., 
I95» 239, 240, 241, 247 

Russian agents in Italy, 170 

Sagan, Duchess of, 36, no, 113, 

118 
St Elizabeth, Order of, 167 
St Helena, 95, 108, 159 
St Paul, 329 

St Petersburg, 31, 44, 190 
St Stephen, Grand Cross of, 42 
Sand, Karl, 153 
Sardinia, 207, 236 
Savary, General, 52, 60-1 
Savona, 75 
Saxe- Weimar, Grand Duke of, 138, 

156, 158 
Saxony, 33, 37, 116, 117, 119, 123, 

140, 220, 221, 265 



INDEX 



357 



Saxony, King of, 86, 88, 90, 91, 

103 
Prince of, 33 
Schonbrunn, 61, 112, 231 
Schonbrunn, Treaty of, 41 
Schwarzenberg, Prince Charles, 

General, ^on.l, 80, 83, 85, 

88, 95, 96, 100, loi, 102, 

105, 225 
Prince Felix, 7o&». i, 76, 

77, 87, 107, 146, 312, 314, 

315, 343 

Princess, 77 
Sedlinitzky, chief of police, 258, 

262 
Silesia, 15, 87, 89, 191-2 

Upper, 88 
Slavs, 279, 281, 288 et alibi 
Smith, Sir Sidney, 27, 112 
Society of Young Italy, the, 235 
" Sonderbund," the, 246 
Sondrio, 194 
Sophie, Archduchess, 277, 293, 

295 
South American colonies, 193, 198 
Spain, <,2etseq., 57, 86, 118, 171, 

172 
Spanish Marriages, 244 
Question, the, 183-4 
Succession, War of, 7 
Spielberg dungeon, 177, 258, 335 
Spliigen Pass, 194 
Stadion, Count, 31, 36, 44, 52-3, 

56, SI, 58, 61, 62, 66, 67, 

86, 92, 93, 182 
Standenheim, 146 
Stein, Baron von, 84, loi, 104, 

119, 133 
Stewart, Lord, 1 12 
Stopford, Admiral, 242 
Strangford, Lord, 183, 333 
Strasburg, 18, 45, 60 

University of, i^ et seq. 
Strathfieldsaye, 309, 311 
Stuttgart, 220 
Sulkowsta, Princess Juliana Fran- 

cesca, II 
Sweden, 78, 116 
Switzerland, 2, 3, 102, 172, 216-7, 

236, 243-7 
Syria, 239 
Szechenyi, Count, 282, 283 



Taaffe, Count Louis, 301 
Talleyrand, 44, 49, 52-3, 59, 113, 

l68, 194, 342 
Tariffs, Austrian, — , 254, 264 et seq. 
Tarnow, 191 
Tepl, Abbot of, 147 
Teplitz, 156, 157, 219, 221, 225, 

226, 240, 304 
Theresienstadt, 219-20 
Thiers, 312 

Third Coalition, the, 39, 41 
Thugut, 32, 33 
Tilsit, Peace of, 86, 92 
Times, the, 333 
Tolstoy, Count, 48, 57 
Tour, Princess de la, 151 
Totis, 63, 64 
Transylvania, 248, 287 
Trautmansdorff, — ,217 
Treaty of 175 1, 237 
Treaty of March 1812, 82, 91 
Treves or Trier, 2, 4 

Lothar von Metternich, Elector 

of, 4-6 
Trieste, 51 

Troppau, Conference of, 173 
Troyes, 103, 106 
Tugenbund, the, 104 
Turkey, 54, 55, 56, 181, 203, 206, 

207, 238 et seq., 241 
Tuscany, Grand Duke of, 166 
Tyrol, 288 

Unkiar Skelessi, Treaty of, 240 
Ushant, battle off, 26 

Valenciennes, 24 
Venice, 165, 169, 188, 236 
Verona, 156 

Congress of, 141, 183, 184, 
185 et seq., 197, 198 
Versailles, 76 
Vertus, plain of, 127 
Vesuvius, 155, 210 
Vicenza, Duke of, 97 
Victor Emmanuel, King of Pied- 
mont, 175, 
Victoria, Queen, 306 
Vienna Academy, 263, 274, 329-30 
Vienna, Conference of German 
Ministers, 159, 223, 226-7 

Final Act, 139, 160 



858 



METTERNICH 



Vienna, Congress of, iio-ii, 113, 
116, 119, 123-4, 133, 134, 
138-40, 168, 212, 217, 218, 

245. 343 
Trades Union, 267, 293 
Treaty of, 65, 74. 75. 78 

Villafranca, Peace of, 321 

Villele, 213 

Vincent, Baron, 57 

Walpole, Sir Robert, 12, 251 
Warsaw, 217 

Grand Duchy of, 86, 87 

Grand Duke of (King of Saxony, 
^.7).), 88 
Wartburg, castle of, 145 
Waterloo, battle of, 124 
Weber, 310 
Weimar, 145 

Wellington, Duke of, no, 121, 124, 
187, 194, 19s, 208, 305, 307, 
309, 310, 311, 332, 333 
Wessenberg, John, Baron von, 116 
Westminster Abbey, 307 
Wine duties, 237 



Winneburg, 7 

Winneburg branch, Metternich 

family, 6, 7 
Wintzingerode, 40 
Wittgenstein, Prince, 144 
Wolf, Gotthard, of Gudensberg, 3 
Wolkersdorf, 61, 62 
Worth, John of, 6 
Wrede, Count, 118 
Wiirtemburg, 10, 88, 138, 139, 141, 

142, 143, 220, 221, 228, 

265, 313 
Ferdinand, Duke of, 1 1 
King of, III 
Queen of, 225 
Wurtzburg, 40 

ZiCHY, Count Joseph, 224 

Zichy, Countess, 113, 221 

Zichy, Ferrari, Melanie, Countess, 
see Princess Clement Metter- 
nich (3) 

Znaim, 63 

ZoUverein, 247, 265 et seq., 288 

Zweibrlicken, Max, Prince of, 18 



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